Elections

A dam burst last week on the right, and a wave of grotesque antisemitism poured out all over the internet.In August, I wrote about the “lost boys” of the American right, many of them young and relatively unknown, who were outed for having secret or anonymous online profiles and using those profiles to spread raw bigotry, including antisemitism. Some of these people worked for the right wing’s biggest names, including Tucker Carlson, Ron DeSantis and Donald Trump.What started in the shadows is now right in the open. It’s being advanced by some of the most powerful and influential people in America, and there is nothing subtle about it. The latest eruption started with a fight between the Daily Wire co-founder Ben Shapiro and his Daily Wire colleague Candace Owens. Both are immensely popular right-wing stars. Owens, for example, has more than four million followers on X, formerly known as Twitter, and more than five million on Instagram.On Nov. 3, Owens posted on social media, “No government anywhere has a right to commit a genocide, ever. There is no justification for a genocide. I can’t believe this even needs to be said or is even considered the least bit controversial to state.” Many of her followers interpreted this as a criticism of Israel, and Shapiro, who staunchly supports Israel in its present conflict with Hamas, was later caught on tape at a private event saying Owens’s behavior during the war has been “disgraceful.”Daily Wire drama should be of little interest to anyone outside The Daily Wire, but what happened next was truly alarming. First, Jason Whitlock, a leading personality at The Blaze, one of the largest right-wing websites, accused Shapiro of dual loyalties: “The guy has multiple loyalties. He loves America, but he loves Israel too. And maybe he loves Israel and he loves America too.” Owens, he said, “is a bit more America first. She only has one loyalty.”Then Owens went on Carlson’s show on X, where he ranted against the “biggest donors at, say, Harvard,” asking where they were when members of the Harvard community “were calling for white genocide.”“White genocide” is a term of art on the racist right and is linked to the so-called great replacement theory, the notion that leftists (including Jewish progressives) are trying to import people of color to replace America’s white majority. This is the theory that motivated the shooter in the Tree of Life synagogue massacre in Pittsburgh. It is false, evil and very dangerous.The same day, an obscure far-right personality posted the same conspiracy theory on X: “Jewish communities have been pushing the exact kind of dialectical hatred against whites that they claim to want people to stop using against them.”“I’m deeply disinterested,” he continued, “in giving the tiniest shit now about western Jewish populations coming to the disturbing realization that those hordes of minorities that support flooding their country don’t exactly like them too much.”The post wouldn’t be notable, except as yet another example of the bigoted filth that dominates discourse on X, but Elon Musk — the world’s richest man and the owner of X — responded with an endorsement. “You have said the actual truth,” he replied.Charlie Kirk, the founder of Turning Point USA, one of the largest right-wing youth organizations in the country, jumped in the next day to defend both the original post and Musk on “The Charlie Kirk Show.” While he hedged by saying that he doesn’t like to generalize, Kirk argued that “the first part” of the original post “is absolutely true.” He then reread the post and repeated the old Jews-and-money trope: “It is true that some of the largest financiers of left-wing anti-white causes have been Jewish Americans.”While there are more examples of right-wing antisemitism spilling into the public square, I’m going to stop there. I by no means want to minimize the antisemitism we’ve seen from the far left, including on campuses and in the streets, but I am focusing on the people I just mentioned because they are some of the most prominent figures on the right.What is going on? For the past several decades, the Republican Party has been a strong ally of Israel, so much so that the regard evangelical voters have for Israel has been the subject of considerable criticism. In my years as a Republican and a conservative lawyer, I never witnessed a trace of antisemitism. The answer to my question, however, is clear. The “new” American right isn’t that new at all. It has rejected Reaganism, yes, but in doing so, it’s reconnecting with older and darker forces on the right.The ghost of Charles Lindbergh is haunting us. Lindbergh, readers may recall, was the hero aviator who flew solo across the Atlantic Ocean in 1927. He later grew to admire German fascism and gave a famous speech in September 1941 in which he accused Jews of attempting to push America into World War II.“The three most important groups who have been pressing this country toward war,” he said, “are the British, the Jewish and the Roosevelt administration.” And while Lindbergh expressed sympathy for Jews facing Nazi persecution, he went straight to the same tropes that were deployed last week, claiming that the Jewish people’s “greatest danger to this country lies in their large ownership and influence in our motion pictures, our press, our radio and our government.”More recently, we see the influence of Pat Buchanan, a former Richard Nixon speechwriter and so-called paleoconservative whom William F. Buckley Jr. denounced for his antisemitism in 1991. A central part of the case against Buchanan once again related to matters of war and peace. In the run-up to the first Iraq war, Buchanan said, “There are only two groups that are beating the drums for war in the Middle East — the Israeli Defense Ministry and its amen corner in the United States.” And that was a benign comment compared with many of his later pronouncements. In 2010 he wrote that if Elena Kagan were to be confirmed as a Supreme Court justice, “Jews, who represent less than 2 percent of the U.S. population, will have 33 percent of the Supreme Court seats. Is this Democrats’ idea of diversity?”Buchanan is no minor figure. As Nicole Hemmer wrote in 2022, his presidential campaigns in the 1990s forecast the present moment in Republican politics. The party “traded Reaganism for Buchananism,” she contended. The evidence that she was correct grows by the day.Everything about the New Right mind-set told us that this devolution was inevitable. It scorns character, decency and civility in the public square, often turning cruelty into a virtue. This was a necessary precondition for the entire enterprise. Decent people can be misguided, certainly, but they are not consumed with hate. Decent people do not indulge bigots.The New Right rejects the norms and values of what it calls the uniparty or the cathedral: the center-left and center-right American elite. And one of those values is a steadfast opposition to racism and prejudice. The rejection first manifests itself in the form of just asking questions, then it veers into direct challenge of conventional norms, followed by a descent into true darkness.Hostility unmoored from character quickly turns conspiratorial, and the world of conspiracy theories is where antisemites live and thrive. And finally, the term “America First,” popular with the New Right and the older, Lindbergh right, has always been misleading. It actually means some Americans first or “real” Americans first, and “real” Americans do not include the ideological or religious enemies of the New Right.It is no coincidence, for example, that after the Owens-Shapiro confrontation, many New Right figures began posting “Christ is king,” an obvious shot at Shapiro’s Jewish beliefs.Evolution is a concept that applies to biology, not human nature. It turns out that humanity does not grow out of the darkness of the past. It has to be contested by every generation. We are neither imprisoned by darkness nor ever fully captured by light.America is no exception. From before the founding, our so-called new world has been plagued by all the sins of the old. Set against that human depravity, however, are the great aspirations of the founding, including the central declaration that “all men are created equal.”American progress was never inevitable. It took immense courage to move haltingly to the more just, more fair country we live in today. We can’t presume that progress is permanent. It never is. No one is more aware of that than America’s most marginalized and vulnerable communities. They feel the effects very keenly when we take steps backward, when our commitment to our principles falters in the face of our own sin.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: [email protected] The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram. More

El domingo, los votantes decidirán quién será su próximo presidente: Javier Milei, un libertario de ultraderecha, o Sergio Massa, el ministro de Economía de centroizquierda.Durante meses, Argentina ha estado ocupada con una sola pregunta.¿Su próximo presidente será Javier Milei, un libertario de ultraderecha cuyo estilo audaz y propensión a las teorías conspiratorias le ha valido comparaciones con el expresidente estadounidense Donald Trump?El domingo, los votantes van a decidir.Milei, economista y excomentarista de televisión, se enfrenta a Sergio Massa, actual ministro de Economía de Argentina, de tendencia centroizquierda, en una segunda vuelta. Massa lideró en la primera vuelta del mes pasado, con 37 por ciento de los votos frente al 30 por ciento de Milei. Pero las encuestas sugieren que la contienda del domingo estará muy cerrada.Como trasfondo de las elecciones está la peor crisis económica del país en décadas, con una inflación anual que supera el 140 por ciento, solo detrás de Líbano y Venezuela a nivel mundial. Dos de cada cinco argentinos ahora viven en la pobreza. Ambos candidatos han ofrecido visiones dramáticamente distintas de cómo salir del marasmo económico en un país de 46 millones de habitantes, algo que ningún líder argentino ha conseguido en décadas.Pero el debate económico ha sido opacado por el ascenso de Milei, su personalidad excéntrica y sus planteamientos radicales para rehacer el país.Ahora que Milei está cerca de la presidencia, la votación del domingo es una prueba de la fuerza del movimiento mundial de ultraderecha. Milei ha recibido con agrado las comparaciones con Trump así como con el expresidente de derecha de Brasil, Jair Bolsonaro. Y, como ellos, ha advertido que si pierde sería porque la elección estuvo amañada.Esto es lo que hay que saber sobre los comicios en Argentina.¿Quién es Javier Milei?Antes de que Milei, de 53 años, fuera candidato presidencial, era vocalista de una banda de covers de los Rolling Stones, un economista de opiniones marcadamente libertarias y un comentarista de televisión conocido por sus exabruptos. En 2021 fue electo al Congreso de Argentina.Milei ha concentrado su campaña en una propuesta económica que implicaría recortes tanto al gasto público como a los impuestos, el cierre del Banco Central de Argentina y la dolarización del país. Los analistas políticos y los economistas dudan de que cuente con las condiciones económicas o la coalición política necesaria para llevar a cabo un cambio tan extremo.Milei, antiguo líder de una banda de covers de los Rolling Stones, fue elegido diputado en el Congreso argentino en 2021.Sarah Pabst para The New York TimesDurante la campaña, Milei presentó a su oponente, Massa, como líder de una turbia “casta” de élites políticas que le roban a los argentinos comunes y corrientes y a sí mismo como un advenedizo temerario que se los va a enfrentar. En sus eventos de campaña se le presenta como un león rugiente mientras sus seguidores corean “la casta tiene miedo”.Sin embargo, su personalidad excéntrica y sus políticas belicosas a menudo han acaparado la atención. Hemos visto sus ataques contra el papa, los choques con los seguidores de Taylor Swift, las declaraciones de que es un gurú de sexo tántrico y de que el cambio climático es una artimaña socialista, su disfraz de superhéroe libertario y la relación cercana con sus perros mastines, que son clones, bautizados en honor de economistas conservadores.¿Quién es Sergio Massa, su oponente?Massa, de 51 años, ha pasado toda su carrera haciendo política y ha sido intendente, diputado y jefe de gabinete. Por su oscilación de derecha a izquierda se ha ganado fama de pragmático.Ese es el mismo enfoque que ha tomado durante la campaña presidencial, promocionando su capacidad de gobernar, colaborar con los empresarios y lograr una coalición política para arreglar la economía.Pero para muchos argentinos, carece de credibilidad en asuntos económicos. Durante los últimos 16 meses ha supervisado la economía de Argentina, mientras se hundía. La inflación ha subido y el valor del peso argentino se ha desplomado. En julio de 2022, cuando Massa fue nombrado ministro de Economía, 1 dólar servía para comprar 300 pesos en el mercado no oficial. Hoy, 1 dólar compra 950 pesos.Sergio Massa ha dedicado toda su carrera a la política, pero sigue intentando presentarse como candidato del cambio.Sarah Pabst para The New York TimesLas dificultades de Argentina no empezaron con Massa. Durante décadas, unas políticas económicas deficientes más un alto gasto gubernamental y un enfoque proteccionista al comercio, han dejado al país con una de las economías más constantemente inestables, a pesar de su abundancia de recursos naturales.Massa culpó a una sequía histórica y a 44.000 millones de dólares de deuda externa por dañar a muchos argentinos durante su tiempo como ministro de Economía. “Perdimos la mitad de nuestras exportaciones agrícolas” durante la sequía dijo en una entrevista, “entonces la mayor apuesta fue a sostener el nivel de actividad y de empleo”.La economía de Argentina se contrajo en un 4,9 por ciento en el segundo trimestre de este año, que es el dato más reciente disponible; fue la primera disminución luego de nueve trimestres de crecimiento en los que el país se recuperaba de la pandemia. El desempleo en su mayor parte también ha retrocedido en trimestres recientes, a 6,2 por ciento para fines de junio.¿Qué proponen?La plataforma de Milei se centra en sus promesas de cerrar el Banco Central y dolarizar la economía. Durante la campaña, Milei aplastaba versiones en miniatura del Banco Central y alzaba billetes gigantes de 100 dólares con su imagen.Mile también se valía de otro objeto de utilería: una motosierra que agitaba en sus mítines. La sierra representaba los recortes profundos que propone, entre ellos la disminución de impuestos; la eliminación de regulaciones; la privatización de industrias estatales; la reducción de los ministerios federales de 18 a ocho; la conversión de la educación pública a un sistema de vouchers y el sistema público de salud a uno sustentado en aseguradoras; y el recorte del gasto federal hasta en 15 por ciento del producto interno bruto de Argentina. Después de algunas repercusiones negativas ha matizado algunas propuestas.También ha dicho que le gustaría prohibir el aborto, liberalizar las regulaciones de tenencia de armas y en gran medida cortar las relaciones con cualquier país que no sea Estados Unidos o Israel.En una entrevista, Massa dijo que las propuestas de Milei eran algo “suicida” para el país.Sus propuestas de cambio son mucho más modestas. Massa ha dicho que busca incrementar la producción de petróleo, gas y litio; simplificar el sistema impositivo y reducir en general el gasto al tiempo que aumenta la inversión en educación y formación laboral. “Austeridad”, dijo.Sin embargo, sus llamados a la austeridad han sido perjudicados por sus medidas recientes de recortar impuestos, otorgar bonos a los trabajadores y liberar más fondos para los pobres. Los críticos han señalado que estas políticas son clientelismo irresponsable en tiempos de crisis económica.¿Qué ha dicho Milei sobre el fraude electoral?Durante meses, Milei ha asegurado, sin aportar pruebas, que en las elecciones primarias del 5 de agosto le robaron más de un millón de votos. También ha dicho que la primera vuelta de las elecciones generales del mes pasado estuvieron amañadas en su contra.Ha alegado que hay estafadores que se roban y malogran sus boletas en las mesas de votación, lo que evita que sus seguidores voten por él. (En Argentina, los ciudadanos meten una boleta de su candidato predilecto en un sobre y depositan el sobre sellado en una caja. Las campañas distribuyen los votos con el nombre de su candidato en los lugares de votación).Las autoridades electorales rechazan las denuncias de Milei y su campaña ha aportado pocas pruebas. El director jurídico de su campaña dijo en una entrevista que solo tenía conocimiento directo de 10 a 15 denuncias escritas de votantes.Votantes buscan sus nombres en las listas electorales en las elecciones generales en Buenos Aires, Argentina.Rodrigo Abd/Associated PressEsta semana, la campaña de Milei escaló la lucha y presentó un documento ante un juez federal que aseguraba había un “fraude colosal” y que las autoridades argentinas cambiaban votos de Milei para Massa. La campaña citó fuentes anónimas.Milei ha cuestionado abiertamente los resultados de las elecciones de 2020 en Estados Unidos y de Brasil en 2022, que estuvieron acosadas por afirmaciones sin sustento que ocasionaron ataques violentos a los capitolios de dichos países.Ahora los argentinos se preparan para lo que pueda suceder en caso de que Milei pierda. Sus seguidores han llamado a protestar afuera de la sede de la autoridad electoral tras el cierre de las urnas del domingo.El viernes, Milei dijo que el partido titular de Massa, “está dando muestras de desesperación muy groseras” y que probablemente intentaría aferrarse al poder en caso de que Milei triunfe. En dicho caso, añadió, su gobierno “aplicará la justicia con toda la fuerza que corresponda”.Lucía Cholakian Herrera More

The Florida governor is courting white evangelicals by using Donald J. Trump’s criticisms of hard-line abortion restrictions against him.Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida paused, looked down and then told a banquet hall filled with conservative Iowa Christians something that he had never before said in public: His wife, Casey DeSantis, experienced a miscarriage several years ago during her first pregnancy.The couple, Mr. DeSantis explained on Friday at a forum for Republican presidential candidates hosted by an influential evangelical group, had been trying to conceive before taking a trip to Israel.“We went to Ruth’s tomb in Hebron — Ruth, Chapter 4, Verse 13 — and we prayed,” Mr. DeSantis, citing Scripture, said at the event in Des Moines. “We prayed a lot to have a family, and then, lo and behold, we go back to the United States and a little time later we got pregnant. But unfortunately we lost that first baby.”The deeply personal revelation — in response to a question about the importance of the nuclear family — was an unexpected moment for Mr. DeSantis, who is usually tight-lipped about both his faith and his family life. On the campaign trail, he rotates through a limited set of anecdotes about Ms. DeSantis and their three young children, as well as his religious beliefs. Still, at the Iowa event, he lingered only briefly on his wife’s miscarriage, calling it simply a “tough thing” and a test of faith.Mr. DeSantis, a Roman Catholic, is heavily courting Iowa’s religious right, which has helped deliver the state’s last three competitive Republican presidential caucuses to candidates who wore their faith on their sleeves. White evangelical voters are likely to play a decisive role in the state’s Jan. 15 caucuses, the first contest in the 2024 G.O.P. primary, and they often turn to politicians who speak the language of the church.“You have to talk authentically from the heart,” said Terry Amann, a conservative pastor from Des Moines. “Anybody can cite Bible verses.”A majority of evangelical voters in Iowa favor former President Donald J. Trump over Mr. DeSantis. But some say they fear Mr. Trump is backing off on abortion.Jordan Gale for The New York TimesIf Mr. DeSantis has any hope of beating former President Donald J. Trump, the front-runner, who leads him by roughly 30 points in Iowa polls, it lies in winning over conservative Christian voters while fending off the challenge of Nikki Haley, the former governor of South Carolina, who is seen as more moderate.A DeSantis victory in Iowa remains a long shot, but Mr. Trump’s criticisms of the hard-line abortion restrictions favored by many evangelical voters in Iowa may have created a lane for the Florida governor to bolster his standing. The former president has described a six-week abortion ban signed by Mr. DeSantis in Florida as “a terrible mistake.” Mr. Trump has blamed extreme positions on abortion for recent Republican losses at the polls and, looking to win over moderates in the general election, has avoided supporting a federal abortion ban. That has deeply disappointed some evangelical leaders and voters who cheered him after his appointments to the Supreme Court helped overturn Roe v. Wade.“Trump has backed off his pro-life position,” said Mike Demastus, who leads an evangelical church in Des Moines. “And that’s caused voters like myself to pause and be willing to listen to other candidates.”Mr. DeSantis is trying to take advantage of concerns like Mr. Demastus’s. As he opened his new Iowa campaign headquarters outside Des Moines on Saturday, the governor told reporters that Mr. Trump’s comments on abortion had been the real “mistake.” He had previously said of Mr. Trump, during an interview with an Iowa radio station, that “all pro-lifers should know that he’s preparing to sell you out.”Still, Mr. Trump remains immensely popular with conservative Christians, and not only because of his role in Roe’s demise. Mr. Trump moved the United States Embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, an issue of deep importance to many evangelicals. He is also credited for his anti-immigration policies and for a strong economy during his presidency, reflecting the fact that many religious voters have political concerns beyond their faith.Even many of the evangelical voters who support Mr. DeSantis are deeply grateful to the former president.“The reversal of Roe v. Wade — I didn’t ever think that would happen in my lifetime, and he did that,” Jerry Buseman, 54, a retired school administrator from Hampton, Iowa, said of Mr. Trump.Mr. Trump and Mr. DeSantis have battled for months to win over influential evangelical leaders and top Republicans in Iowa, a state some say is still Mr. Trump’s to lose.Doug Mills/The New York TimesNow, the DeSantis and Trump campaigns are engaged in a back-and-forth to win over faith leaders and voters. Evangelicals are the single largest religious group among Iowa Republicans, accounting for more than a third of their ranks, according to Pew Research Center. So far, polls suggest Mr. Trump is winning the race for their votes. The former president had the support of 51 percent of white evangelical voters, compared with 30 percent for Mr. DeSantis, according to a September poll by CBS News and YouGov. It’s a major shift from 2016, when evangelicals flocked to Ted Cruz rather than to Mr. Trump, helping the Republican senator from Texas win the caucuses that year.“Trump has already proven himself to have a backbone,” said Brad Sherman, a pastor and state legislator who has endorsed Mr. Trump, even though he said he wished the former president would take a “stronger stand” against abortion. “He’s shown that he will do what he says.”Like Mr. Sherman, many Iowans backing Mr. Trump seem willing to forgive his more recent comments on abortion. Only 40 percent of Trump supporters agreed that he was right to criticize six-week abortion bans, according to an October poll by The Des Moines Register, NBC News and Mediacom.Alex Latcham, the Trump campaign’s early-states director, said the former president had gotten results on issues that had been “the top priorities” for evangelical voters for decades. In his Des Moines office, Mr. Latcham said, he keeps a map of Iowa showing the locations of more than 100 religious leaders who have endorsed Mr. Trump.“There’s plenty of time, but right now it’s Trump’s to lose,” said Steve Scheffler, the president of the Iowa Faith and Freedom Coalition, who is staying neutral through the caucuses.To counter Mr. Trump’s popularity, Mr. DeSantis held his first official campaign rally in May at a church outside Des Moines, where a group of pastors prayed over him. He has rolled out his own endorsements from more than 100 religious leaders around the state. Before each Republican presidential debate, he has invited a pastor to pray for him and his wife in the green room backstage. His campaign holds a monthly video call for pastors. And unlike Mr. Trump, he has attended several church services in Iowa, including alongside the Iowa evangelical leader Bob Vander Plaats, who hosted Mr. DeSantis at the forum where he discussed his wife’s miscarriage.Never Back Down, a super PAC supporting the DeSantis campaign, has produced advertisements that accuse Mr. Trump of a “betrayal of the pro-life movement,” call into question his support for Israel and criticize his attacks on Kim Reynolds, the popular Iowa governor who has endorsed Mr. DeSantis and has also signed a six-week abortion ban.”DeSantis has done an outstanding job networking with evangelicals,” said David Kochel, a veteran Iowa political strategist. “He’s running the campaign the right way. The problem is he’s doing it against someone who has already delivered for evangelical voters.”Ms. Haley, the other top runner-up in the race, who is now tied with Mr. DeSantis in many Iowa polls, does not appear to be pursuing the state’s faith leaders as aggressively, and her more measured way of talking about abortion has turned off many evangelicals.In Iowa, Mr. DeSantis must also fend off Nikki Haley, the former governor of South Carolina, who has become a formidable challenger for second place.Jordan Gale for The New York TimesOlivia Perez-Cubas, a spokeswoman for the Haley campaign, highlighted Ms. Haley’s “steadfast support for Israel” as a reason for evangelical voters to get behind her. And she pointed to Ms. Haley’s recent endorsement by Marlys Popma, a prominent anti-abortion activist in Iowa. For Mr. DeSantis, a lack of folksy charm may still be an issue in Iowa, despite his efforts to be more personal with evangelical voters.Evangelical voters “want to see the heart,” said Sam Brownback, a conservative Christian and former Republican senator from Kansas whose own presidential campaign failed to take off in 2008. “They want to see what you really are inside.”The last three Republicans to win contested caucuses — former Gov. Mike Huckabee of Arkansas, former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania and Mr. Cruz — all talked easily about their faith. (None of them captured the nomination.)Mr. DeSantis, who has been criticized as stilted on the campaign trail, is not built in that mold. Instead, he is relying on his record as Florida governor, which includes, in addition to the six-week abortion ban, laws to restrict the rights of transgender people and to limit discussions of sexuality in schools.When a reporter asked why he was a better fit for Iowa’s evangelicals than Mr. Trump — a thrice-married former Democrat — Mr. DeSantis replied that he was “better representative of their values.”“I have a better record of actually delivering on my promises and fighting important fights on behalf of children, on behalf of families and on behalf of religious liberty,” he said on Saturday at a coffee shop in Ottumwa, Iowa.Heidi Sokol, 51, a Republican voter who teaches at a Christian school in Clear Lake, Iowa, said she wasn’t bothered that Mr. DeSantis spoke far more about policy than about his personal faith when she saw him speak at a Des Moines church this fall.“We’re not hiring the president to be our pastor,” Ms. Sokol said.Ruth Igielnik More

On Sunday, voters will choose whether to elect a far-right libertarian, Javier Milei, or the center-left economy minister, Sergio Massa.For months, Argentina has been consumed by a single question.Will Javier Milei — a far-right libertarian whose brash style and embrace of conspiracy theories have drawn comparisons to former President Donald J. Trump — be its next president?On Sunday, voters will finally get to decide.Mr. Milei, an economist and former television pundit, is facing off against Sergio Massa, Argentina’s center-left economy minister, in a runoff election. Mr. Massa led the election’s first round last month, with 37 percent to Mr. Milei’s 30 percent. But polls suggest Sunday’s race is a dead heat.The backdrop to the contest has been Argentina’s worst economic crisis in decades, with annual inflation surpassing 140 percent, behind only Lebanon and Venezuela globally. Two in five Argentines now live in poverty. The men have offered starkly different visions on how to reverse the economic morass in the nation of 46 million — a feat that no Argentine leader has been able to accomplish for decades.But the economic debate has been overshadowed by the rise of Mr. Milei, his eccentric personality and his radical ideas to remake the country.With Mr. Milei now on the verge of the presidency, Sunday’s vote is a test of strength for the global far-right movement. Mr. Milei has welcomed the comparisons to Mr. Trump, as well as to Brazil’s former right-wing president, Jair Bolsonaro. And, like them, he has warned that if he loses, it may be because the election was stolen.Here’s what you need to know about Argentina’s election.Who is Javier Milei?Before Mr. Milei, 53, was a presidential candidate, he was a frontman of a Rolling Stones cover band, an economist with starkly libertarian views and a television pundit known for his fiery outbursts. In 2021, he was elected to Argentina’s Congress.Mr. Milei has centered his campaign on an economic overhaul that would involve slashing both spending and taxes, closing Argentina’s central bank and replacing its currency with the U.S. dollar. Economists and political analysts are skeptical he would have the economic conditions or political coalition necessary to pull off such extreme change.Mr. Milei, a former frontman for a Rolling Stones cover band, was elected to Argentina’s Congress in 2021.Sarah Pabst for The New York TimesOn the campaign trail, Mr. Milei has depicted his opponent, Mr. Massa, as the leader of a shadowy “caste” of political elites who are stealing from average Argentines — and himself as the fearless outsider who will take them on. His campaign events depict him as a roaring lion as his supporters chant, “The caste is afraid.”Yet his eccentric personality and pugnacious politics have often attracted the most attention. There have been his harsh attacks against the pope, his clashes with Taylor Swift fans, his claims of being a tantric-sex guru, his assertion that climate change is a socialist plot, his dressing up as a libertarian superhero and his close relationship with his Mastiff dogs that are named for conservative economists — and are also all clones.Who is his opponent, Sergio Massa?Mr. Massa, 51, has spent his entire career in politics, including as a mayor, congressman and a cabinet chief to a president, swinging from the right to the left and earning a reputation as a pragmatist.That is the same approach he has taken during the presidential campaign, touting his ability to run the government, work with industry and build a political coalition to fix the economy.But to many Argentines, he has little credibility on economic matters. He has overseen Argentina’s economy for the past 16 months, just as it has cratered. Inflation has soared, and the value of the Argentine peso has plummeted. In July 2022, when Mr. Massa was appointed economy minister, $1 bought about 300 pesos on the main unofficial market. Now $1 buys 950 pesos.Sergio Massa has spent his entire career in politics but is still pitching himself as a candidate of change.Sarah Pabst for The New York TimesArgentina’s woes hardly began with Mr. Massa. For decades, failed economic policies, including high government spending and a protectionist approach to trade, have left Argentina with one of the world’s most perpetually unstable economies, despite its abundant natural resources.Mr. Massa blamed a record drought and $44 billion in international debt for hurting so many Argentines during his run as economy minister. “We lost half of our agricultural exports” as a result of the drought, he said in an interview, “so the main challenge was to sustain the level of activity and employment.”Argentina’s economy shrank by 4.9 percent in the second quarter of this year, the latest data available, the first decline after nine consecutive quarters of growth, in which the country rebounded from the pandemic. Unemployment has also mostly fallen in recent quarters, down to 6.2 percent by the end of June.What are their plans?Mr. Milei’s platform is centered on his pledges to close the central bank and dollarize the economy. During the campaign, Mr. Milei would smash miniature versions of the central bank and hold aloft giant $100 bills with his face on it.Mr. Milei also had another campaign prop: a chain saw that he would wave around at rallies. The saw represented the deep cuts he is proposing to government, including lowering taxes; slashing regulations; privatizing state industries; reducing the number of federal ministries to eight from 18; shifting public education to a voucher-based system and public health care to insurance-based; and cutting federal spending by up to 15 percent of Argentina’s gross domestic product. He has recently softened some proposals after blowback.He also has said he would like to ban abortion, loosen gun regulations and largely cut relations with any country beside the United States and Israel.In an interview, Mr. Massa called Mr. Milei’s proposals “suicidal” for the country.His plans for change are far more modest. Mr. Massa said he wants to increase production of oil, gas and lithium; simplify the tax system; and reduce overall spending while increasing spending on education and job training. “Austerity,” he said.His calls for austerity, however, have been undercut by his moves in recent months to cut taxes, give bonuses to workers and release more money to the poor. Critics have called the policies irresponsible patronage during an economic crisis.What has Mr. Milei said about election fraud?For months, Mr. Milei has claimed, without evidence, that he was robbed of more than a million votes in a primary election in August, or 5 percent of the total. He has also said that the first round of the general election last month was rigged against him.He has argued that fraudsters are stealing and damaging his ballots at polling stations, preventing his supporters from voting for him. (In Argentina, citizens vote by inserting a paper ballot of their preferred candidate into an envelope and dropping the sealed envelope into a box. Campaigns distribute ballots with their candidate’s name to polling stations.)Election officials dispute Mr. Milei’s claims, and his campaign has offered little evidence. His campaign’s legal director said in an interview that he had direct knowledge of only 10 to 15 written complaints from voters.Voters looking for their names on electoral lists during general elections last month in Buenos Aires.Rodrigo Abd/Associated PressThis past week, Mr. Milei’s campaign escalated its fight, filing a document with a federal judge that claimed “colossal fraud,” asserting that Argentine officials changed votes for Mr. Milei to Mr. Massa. The campaign cited anonymous sources.Mr. Milei has openly questioned the results of the 2020 U.S. election and the 2022 Brazil election, which were dogged by baseless claims of fraud that led to violent attacks on those nations’ capitols.Now, Argentines are bracing for what could happen if Mr. Milei loses. His supporters have called for protests outside the election agency’s headquarters after the polls close on Sunday.On Friday, Mr. Milei said Mr. Massa’s incumbent party “is showing very rude signs of desperation” and would most likely try to cling to power if Mr. Milei wins. In that scenario, he added, his government “will apply justice with all due force.”Lucía Cholakian Herrera More

The trial was over and the verdict was in, but Brian Mock, 44, kept going back through the evidence, trying to make his case to the one person whose opinion he valued most. He sat at his kitchen table in rural Wisconsin next to his son, 21-year-old A.J. Mock, and opened a video on his laptop. He leaned into the screen and traced his finger over the image of the U.S. Capitol building, looked through clouds of tear gas and smoke and then pointed toward the center of a riotous crowd.Listen to This ArticleOpen this article in the New York Times Audio app on iOS.“There. That’s me,” he said, pausing the video, zooming in on a man wearing a black jacket and a camouflaged hood who was shouting at a row of police officers. He pressed play and turned up the volume until the sound of chants and explosions filled the kitchen. “They stole it!” someone else yelled in the video. “We want our country back. Let’s take it. Come on!”A.J. shifted in his chair and looked down at his phone. He smoked from his vape and fiddled with a rainbow strap on his keychain that read “Love is love.”We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.We are confirming your access to this article, this will take just a moment. However, if you are using Reader mode please log in, subscribe, or exit Reader mode since we are unable to verify access in that state.Confirming article access.If you are a subscriber, please  More

The former president has made Iowa his priority, hoping to thin the field and turn his attention to a campaign against President Biden.With just under two months until the Iowa caucuses, former President Donald J. Trump on Saturday returned to the state and made explicit a campaign strategy that he had only hinted at for months.Speaking in a crowded high school gym, Mr. Trump made clear that he saw a decisive victory in the first Republican nominating contest as the swiftest path to end the Republican primary and focus on a general election race against President Biden.“You know, we have to send a great signal,” Mr. Trump said. Referring to his Republican rivals, he added, “And then maybe these people say, ‘OK, it’s over now.’”After his speech concluded, Mr. Trump also made a departure from his normal rally routine. The former president, who has largely eschewed the retail politicking characteristic of the state, stuck around for roughly 10 minutes to pose for pictures and shake voters’ hands.Mr. Trump’s speech, which covered issues including energy, foreign policy and criminal justice with an Iowa frame, suggested a subtle shift in his campaign’s approach to the Republican primary. For months Mr. Trump has appeared at small “commit to caucus” events, which his campaign hopes will ensure that his popularity in the state propels him to victory in January, pushing out most of the field.Still, Mr. Trump — who is the front-runner in the Republican primary in both polls and fund-raising — has maintained a fairly light campaign schedule in Iowa.His challengers, who lag far behind, have barnstormed the state, hoping that a strong showing could weaken Mr. Trump’s foothold and give them a path to the Republican nomination.On Saturday, Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, who has staked his campaign on the state, opened a new Iowa campaign headquarters outside Des Moines. He was joined by Iowa’s popular Republican governor, Kim Reynolds, who recently endorsed him.Ms. Reynolds, who previously pledged to stay neutral in the caucuses, praised Mr. DeSantis and said that Iowa caucusgoers “expect you to show up, they expect you to earn their votes,” in an apparent dig at Mr. Trump.But speaking in Fort Dodge, Mr. Trump projected confidence. He relied on a tactic that seemed to reflect his transactional approach to politics: recounting to Iowans what he did for them as president and asking them to return the favor.At one point, he took credit for keeping their caucuses the first presidential nominating contest, in contrast with Democrats, who shifted Iowa later in their nominating calendar.“Look, I kept you first in the nation,” he said. “I’m the one that — will you please give me a good show, at least, out of it? OK? Please.”Mr. Trump reaffirmed his commitment to ethanol, which is important to Iowa’s economy. And as he often does here, he repeatedly touted the $28 billion in aid his administration provided to farmers, money that he has said came from tariffs on China. Mr. Trump suggested that those funds alone should secure him a win in January.“My guys say: ‘Please, sir, don’t take it for granted that you’re going to win Iowa. It doesn’t sound good,’” Mr. Trump told the crowd. “I say to them, ‘Of course it does. I got them $28 billion. Who the hell else would you vote for?’”But even as he said Iowans’ support in the caucuses was crucial, Mr. Trump made clear that he was already looking ahead to a general election race against President Biden.Citing Mr. Biden’s meeting with President Xi Jinping of China, he accused the president of being corrupted by Chinese influence and too soft on the country.“We have a Manchurian candidate in the Oval Office,” Mr. Trump said, apparently referring to the 1962 film about a Communist sleeper agent in the U.S. government. The reference did not seem to resonate with the crowd.“You know, ‘The Manchurian Candidate’?” Mr. Trump continued. “Go check it out.”In another riff on his usual stump speech, Mr. Trump accused Democrats of conducting a witch hunt with their investigations of him, bringing up the so-called Steele dossier, which contained a salacious claim about his encounters with prostitutes in Moscow’s Ritz-Carlton hotel.Mr. Trump lamented that he had to explain to his wife, Melania, accusations that he instructed the prostitutes to urinate on each other and the bed in the hotel, where President Barack Obama had once slept.“Actually, that one she didn’t believe, because she said: ‘He’s a germaphobe. He’s not into that, you know?’” Mr. Trump said. “‘He’s not into golden showers,’ as they say they call that.” He shook his head. “I don’t like that idea. No, I didn’t.”Nicholas Nehamas More

The Republican front-runner has a history of making racist statements, but some advisers think highlighting his signature law could help increase support among Black voters and potentially swing the election.In early July, former President Donald J. Trump received a somewhat unlikely visitor at his golf club and estate in Bedminster, N.J.: Michael Harris, the founder of Death Row Records, who had been imprisoned for drug trafficking and attempted murder, came to meet privately with the man who had pardoned him.Mr. Harris was connected to the former president by Mr. Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and daughter Ivanka Trump, who had helped push him as a pardon candidate, according to two people familiar with the process. The couple were staying at Mr. Trump’s club at Bedminster when the meeting took place, and Mr. Kushner joined, two people briefed on the matter said.But their lunch served another purpose for some people close to Mr. Trump: Mr. Harris is the type of high-profile Black celebrity that some Trump associates hope will next year highlight the former president’s signature criminal justice reform law, the First Step Act, which was one of Mr. Kushner’s key priorities during his time as an adviser in the White House.Although Mr. Harris is not a beneficiary of the sentencing law, having received his pardon on Mr. Trump’s last full day in office after serving decades in prison as part of a series of clemency grants, he has nonetheless become an evangelist for it.Mr. Trump, who has shown gains among Black voters in some recent polls, is hoping to win a slightly larger margin than he has in the past, with the potential to swing key states. He has been indicted four times, a fact that his advisers and allies insist — without offering any evidence — will somehow be helpful with Black voters because he asserts that he’s a victim of overzealous prosecution. (He has also repeatedly called the three Black prosecutors investigating him “racist.”)But some of his closest allies who have been trying to impress on him the value of boasting his own record on the issue insist that he has absorbed their message, though it is unclear whether that’s true or more of a projection of their own wishes.Mr. Harris declined to discuss what took place in their meeting, but he expressed gratitude toward the Trump administration in a statement and praised the sentencing law. “The passing of the First Step Act and similar initiatives surrounding” criminal justice reform “has provided much needed relief for so many deserving individuals and families,” he said.An aide to Mr. Kushner and a spokesman for Mr. Trump did not respond to requests for comment.Not everyone around the former president believes that he should highlight the First Step Act, which Mr. Trump himself soured on soon after signing it. Mr. Trump, who is often influenced by what he thinks his core voters want, felt affirmed in that view after a number of hard-core Republicans began to criticize it in 2021 and 2022 amid a rise in crime. Some of his conservative associates, who see the bill as problematic with Republicans, said privately that they were unhappy that he had met with Mr. Harris.While the issue poses a potential challenge for Mr. Trump’s team, the discussions also underscore a broader challenge for President Biden’s team heading into 2024: how to pin down an opponent who has a four-year record as well as decades’ worth of statements on almost every issue that are contradictory.Michael Harris, the founder of Death Row Records, was pardoned on Mr. Trump’s last full day in office.Chris Pizzello/Invision, via Associated PressMr. Trump has a long history of making racist statements, including attacking a judge’s Mexican heritage; calling for the death penalty for the teenagers who were arrested and later coerced into giving confessions in a case of brutal rape in Central Park in 1989; telling a group of congresswomen of color — almost all of whom were born in the United States — to go back to their countries; and, perhaps most famously, insisting that the first Black president might not have been born in the United States.He has also grown increasingly violent in his rhetoric about crime in America, saying that he admires the freedom that despots have to execute drug dealers and that shoplifters should be shot on the spot.At the same time, he has made clear that he viewed the law, which, among other things, sought to reduce mandatory minimum sentences for some crimes, as something that should have won him support from Black voters.“Did it for African Americans,” he wrote to this reporter for a book in 2022 when asked about his repeated expressions of regret about the law. “Nobody else could have gotten it done. Got zero credit.”But the Democratic coalition of Black, Latino and younger voters has frayed since Mr. Biden’s victory, with Mr. Trump picking up support from those groups. And one difficulty in holding Mr. Trump to account is that he often has a contradictory set of words and actions that different people can latch onto.And the bipartisan First Step Act, which Mr. Trump signed in December 2018, is one part of his record that some of his allies believe they can use in 2024 to downplay his strongman rhetoric and actions around race and violence.“Trump was both bloodthirsty in his rhetoric but signed the First Step Act, which was significant sentencing reform,” said Michael Waldman, the president and chief executive of the Brennan Center for Justice, who also served in the White House during Bill Clinton’s presidency. “Whether he truly believed in it or not, he did it.”While Gov. Ron DeSantis, Republican of Florida, attacked Mr. Trump over the law, calling it a “jailbreak” bill despite voting for an early version of it, his criticisms didn’t dent Mr. Trump’s support. And Republican criticisms of the law have become more muted as the party has coalesced around him.Both praising the legislation and making racist statements would be in keeping with Mr. Trump’s 2016 campaign, which was a mix of demagoguing immigrants and small-time criminals, using law-and-order rhetoric, and accusing Hillary Clinton of racism against Black men.It is also far from the only issue on which Mr. Trump has decades of action and statements he can point to that allow different people to read what they want into his behavior, and will happily play to whatever audience he’s in front of.Other than Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican majority leader, no person is more responsible than Mr. Trump, who gave the Supreme Court its 6-3 conservative majority, for overturning the landmark decision that recognized abortion rights as constitutionally protected. Yet, Mr. Trump called a six-week abortion ban signed by Mr. DeSantis a “terrible mistake,” and has refused to be specific about a national ban. That has alarmed Democrats, who worry he will try to appear moderate on the issue in a general election race against Mr. Biden.More recently, some of Mr. Biden’s allies watched angrily as the Spanish-language network Univision, which Mr. Trump has attacked in the past but now has new ownership, gave the former president a relatively soft interview, one that Mr. Kushner arranged, and minimized pushback from Mr. Biden’s team.It remains to be seen how willing Mr. Trump will be, if at all, to speak about the criminal justice law, or whether Mr. Harris might be asked to speak publicly.The same week that Mr. Harris met with Mr. Trump, the former president received a call from Alice Johnson, whose life sentence on charges related to cocaine possession and money laundering was commuted after a meeting between Mr. Trump and the celebrity Kim Kardashian. Ms. Johnson was the person who recommended to Mr. Kushner and Ms. Trump that Mr. Harris be granted clemency.“My whole conversation was just encouragement” about the criminal justice reform bill, said Ms. Johnson, who spoke at the Republican National Convention in 2020 and was pardoned by Mr. Trump a short time later. She said no one had asked her to call him or engage in politics for him next year. But, she added, “he actually is proud of that piece of legislation.” More

David Axelrod is not a prick.Truly.I’ve known him since 2007 and if I had to pick a noun to describe him, it would be mensch.So when President Biden privately employs that epithet for Axelrod, according to Politico’s Jonathan Martin, it’s bad for a few reasons.The ordinarily gracious president is punching down at the strategist who helped elevate him onto the ticket with Barack Obama in 2008 and who thinks he was “a great vice president” and has done a lot of wonderful things as president.When some in the Obama camp chattered in 2011 about switching Biden out for Hillary Clinton, Axelrod said, he protested: “That would be an incredible act of disloyalty to a guy who has done a great job for us.”Surely, Mr. Biden does not want to lower himself to the vulgarity of the growling, brawling, thieving Republicans in the Hieronymus Bosch hellscape of our Congress.(As Seth Meyers noted, George Santos — who spent campaign money on Hermès, Ferragamo, Botox, Sephora and OnlyFans — had “the shopping list of a 98-year-old oil tycoon’s 20-year-old wife.”)Axelrod drew Biden’s ire because he urged the president to consider stopping at one term, throwing open the race to younger Democrats while there’s still time, and leaving as a hero. He said that, despite Biden’s insult, he got a slew of messages agreeing with him.“I don’t care about them thinking I’m a prick — that’s fine,” the strategist told me. “I hope they don’t think the polls are wrong because they’re not.”According to a New York Times/Siena College poll, Donald Trump is ahead in five battleground states and, as some other surveys have found, is even making inroads among Black voters and young voters. There’s a generational fracture in the Democratic Party over the Israeli-Hamas horror and Biden’s age. Third-party spoilers are circling.The president turns 81 on Monday; the Oval hollows out its occupants quickly, and Biden is dealing with two world-shattering wars, chaos at the border, a riven party and a roiling country.“I think he has a 50-50 shot here, but no better than that, maybe a little worse,” Axelrod said. “He thinks he can cheat nature here and it’s really risky. They’ve got a real problem if they’re counting on Trump to win it for them. I remember Hillary doing that, too.”The president’s flash of anger indicates that he may be in denial, surrounded by enablers who are sugarcoating a grim political forecast.Like other pols, Biden has a healthy ego and like all presidents, he’s truculent about not getting the credit he thinks he deserves for his accomplishments. And it must be infuriating that most of the age qualms are about him, when Trump is only a few years younger.No doubt the president is having a hard time wrapping his mind around the idea that the 77-year-old Mar-a-Lago Dracula has risen from his gilded coffin even though he’s albatrossed with legal woes and seems more deranged than ever, referring to Democrats with the fascist-favored term “vermin” and plotting a second-term revengefest. Trump’s campaign slogan should be, “There will be blood.”For Biden, this is about his identity. It’s what he has fought all his life for, even battling his way through “friendly fire,” as Hunter Biden told me, in the Obama White House, when some Obama aides undermined him. It must have been awful when Obama took his vice president to lunch and nudged him aside for Hillary to run in 2016. Biden craves the affirmation of being re-elected. He doesn’t want to look like a guy who’s been driven from office.But he should not indulge the Irish chip on his shoulder. He needs to gather the sharpest minds in his party and hear what they have to say, not engage in petty feuds.If Trump manages to escape conviction in Jack Smith’s Washington case, which may be the only criminal trial that ends before the election, that’s going to turbocharge his campaign. Of course, if he’s convicted, that could turbocharge his campaign even more.It’s a perfect playing field for the maleficent Trump: He learned in the 2016 race that physical and rhetorical violence could rev up his base. He told me at the time it helped get him to No. 1 and he said he found violence at his rallies exciting.He has no idea why making fun of Paul Pelosi’s injuries at the hands of one of his acolytes is subhuman, any more than he understood how repellent it was in 2015 when he mocked a disabled Times reporter. He gets barbaric laughs somehow, and that’s all he cares about. In an interview with Jonathan Karl, Trump gloated about how his audience on Jan. 6 was “the biggest crowd I’ve ever spoken in front of by far.”Never mind that it was one of the most dangerous, shameful days in our history. To Trump, it was glorious.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: [email protected] The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram. More