Elections

With about two weeks before the candidate filing deadline for the Texas primary, the actor said a run for office is “a path that I’m choosing not to take at this moment.”The actor and author Matthew McConaughey announced on Sunday that he would not run for governor of Texas for now, after months of weighing whether he would seek the office.In a video posted on Twitter and Instagram, Mr. McConaughey, 52, said running for governor is a “humbling and inspiring path to ponder.”“It is also a path that I’m choosing not to take at this moment,” he said.Mr. McConaughey’s announcement came about two weeks before the candidate filing deadline for the Texas primary, and about two weeks after Beto O’Rourke, a former El Paso congressman and 2020 Democratic presidential candidate, announced his run for the office against Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican.🇺🇸 pic.twitter.com/CKIYE7V6v6— Matthew McConaughey (@McConaughey) November 29, 2021
Mr. McConaughey’s announcement also came weeks after he drew widespread attention for saying that he would not mandate vaccines for young children because he would like more information, adding that in his household, “we go slow on vaccinations, even before Covid.”Instead of running for governor, Mr. McConaughey said, he would continue to support entrepreneurs, businesses and foundations that are “leaders,” establishments that are “creating pathways for people to succeed in life,” and “organizations that have a mission to serve and build trust, while also generating prosperity.”“That’s the American dream,” he said. “And politicians? The good ones can help us get to where we need to go. Yeah, but let’s be clear: They can’t do anything for us unless we choose to do for ourselves.”When asked about whether he would run for governor in an interview in October on the New York Times podcast “Sway,” Mr. McConaughey said he was learning more about politics and measuring whether politics is “an embassy for me to be of the most use to myself, to my family, to the most amount of people in my life moving forward.”“I like to measure things before I partake,” he said on the podcast. “And you’ve got to partake before you’ve partook.”Mr. McConaughey is known for roles in movies that include “Interstellar,” “The Wolf of Wall Street” and “Dallas Buyers Club,” for which he won the Academy Award for best actor in 2014. Last year, he published a memoir, “Greenlights.”Mr. McConaughey had not previously indicated whether he would run for governor as a Republican or a Democrat.Mr. Abbott, who has been governor since 2014, is seeking a third term in a state where no Democrat has won a statewide election since 1994.In a poll released last week by The Dallas Morning News and the University of Texas at Tyler, voters said they would be more likely to support Mr. McConaughey than Mr. O’Rourke by almost 2-to-1.In a hypothetical three-way general election contest, Mr. Abbott was the favorite with 37 percent of the vote, followed by Mr. McConaughey with 27 percent and Mr. O’Rourke with 26 percent. Ten percent of voters in the poll wanted someone else. More

She was the first Black person to represent the state in the House since Reconstruction, and she fought for programs to create jobs.Carrie P. Meek, who was spurred by memories of childhood discrimination and inspired by her heritage as she rose to political power in her native Florida and later in Washington, died on Sunday at her home in Miami. She was 95. Her death was confirmed by Adam Sharon, a family spokesman. He did not specify a cause.In 1992, Ms. Meek became the first Black person elected to Congress in Florida since Reconstruction. Her election was assured when the 10-term Democratic incumbent, Bill Lehman, decided to retire and Ms. Meek captured the Democratic nomination for the newly reapportioned district. She ran unopposed in the general election.She soon made it clear that she had no desire to take the “go along and get along” path followed by some Washington newcomers. She lobbied for and won a coveted seat on the Appropriations Committee, a highly unusual achievement for a freshman lawmaker.She used that seat to push for federal aid for the section of her district devastated by Hurricane Andrew in 1992. She also lobbied for money for job-creating programs and to encourage African Americans to open their own businesses.“My first priority in Congress is to develop job-producing programs,” she said in an interview with The Washington Post weeks after her election. “Whenever I’m out in the community, people first thing they come up to me, Carrie, what about jobs, when are we going to get jobs?”Ms. Meek and Ron Brown, chairman of the Democratic National Committee, meeting residents of the Liberty City area of Miami in 1989. Ms. Meek lived in Liberty City during her tenure in Congress.Kathy Willens/Associated PressHer 17th Congressional District covered much of Miami, and her constituents included many Black people and immigrants from Haiti, Jamaica and the Bahamas, as well as Koreans and Arabs. The district included the Liberty City area of Miami, the epicenter of a race riot that left scores of people dead after white police officers killed a Black man. Ms. Meek lived in Liberty City during her time in Congress.While pushing for money for her district, she remained skeptical, even cynical, about many Washington programs aimed at helping poor Black people. She complained that too much money was siphoned off by white-owned companies that bailed when federal dollars dried up. She was also disdainful of some Black administrators (“ghetto hustlers,” she called them) who exploited programs while doing little to help those who needed help.After Republicans captured the House in 1994, Ms. Meek was ousted from the Appropriations Committee. In early 1995, she attacked the new speaker, Newt Gingrich of Georgia, who had accepted a $4.5 million advance for two books from a publishing company owned by the media magnate Rupert Murdoch.After much criticism, including some from fellow Republicans, Mr. Gingrich announced late in 1994 that he was giving up the advance. But Ms. Meek still seized on the episode.“How much the speaker earns has grown much more dependent upon how hard his publishing house hawks his book,” Ms. Meek said on the House floor. “Which leads me to the question of exactly who does this speaker really work for … Is it the American people or his New York publishing house?”Republicans hooted her down and struck her remarks from the Congressional Record.Ms. Meek railed against tax cuts that the Republican-controlled House approved in June 1997, asserting that Republicans were trying to balance the budget “on the backs of America’s working poor, elderly and infirm.”“Today the House voted to rob from the poor so that tomorrow the majority can help the rich,” she said.She was willing to reach across the aisle on some issues. For instance, she worked with Republicans to change warnings on cigarette labels to reflect the fact that more Black people than white people suffer from smoking-related diseases. She also worked with some Republicans to increase spending for research on lupus and for grants for college students with poor reading skills because of learning disabilities.Before going to Washington, she served in the Florida House of Representatives from 1979 to 1983 and in the State Senate from 1983 to 1993. She was the first Black woman elected to that chamber.Richard Langley, a conservative Republican state senator whose politics were the polar opposite of hers, once called Ms. Meek “a nice, well-meaning Christian lady.” But a moment later, as though regretting his kind remarks, he called her “another tax-and-spend liberal” and a big mouth.“If you opposed her, you were a racist,” Mr. Langley told The Washington Post. “She saw everything in terms of Black and white.”If indeed she saw the world that way, she had good reason.Ms. Meek introducing Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton at a campaign event in Miami in 2007.Lynn Sladky/Associated PressCarrie Pittman was born on April 29, 1926, in Tallahassee, Fla., the youngest of 12 children of Willie and Carrie Pittman. Her parents began their life together as sharecroppers. Her father later became a caretaker and her mother a laundress and owner of a boardinghouse. Her grandmother had been a slave in Lilly, Ga., known as Miss Mandy.Years later, Ms. Pittman said that growing up as the baby in her family was “just a great life, the best you could imagine.”“The only shadow in my life was the segregation,” she said. “The worst kind of segregation.” That meant not being allowed to try on shoes in a shoe store, and playing with other Black children in a vacant lot while white children had a park with ball fields and a pool.She was a sprinter in high school and played basketball both in high school and at Florida A&M, a historically Black college in Tallahassee, where she earned a degree in biology and physical education in 1946.At the time, Black students were banned from Florida graduate programs, so she enrolled at the University of Michigan, where she received a master’s degree in public health and physical education.Before entering politics, Ms. Meek taught at Bethune Cookman, a historically Black college in Daytona Beach, and at Florida A&M. In 1961, she moved to the newly opened Miami-Dade Junior College, which initially had separate campuses for Black students and white students. She taught health and physical education and remained at the college for three decades in teaching and administrative posts.In 2000, the presidential race was undecided weeks after Election Day because of the excruciatingly close popular vote in Florida. Ms. Meek complained that numerous African Americans and Haitian Americans among her constituents had tried to vote but were turned away. Some were told they did not have valid identification, while others said they felt intimidated, Ms. Meek said.“They are frustrated Black people who worked so hard for the right to vote, they died for the right to vote,” Ms. Meek said. “And we have seen a presidential election here where people had that right denied, through intimidation. Some Haitians are saying this is worse than an election in Haiti. What kind of superpower has an election like this?”In the end, George W. Bush won the presidency over Vice President Al Gore when the United States Supreme Court halted the recount of the popular vote in Florida, giving Mr. Bush Florida’s 25 Electoral College votes.Ms. Meek with her son Kendrick Meek when he ran for a United States Senate seat in 2010.  He succeeded Ms. Meek in Congress and served four terms.Wilfredo Lee/Associated PressMs. Meek’s two former husbands, both of whom she divorced, are dead. Survivors include a son, Kendrick, who served in the Florida House of Representatives and the State Senate and was elected in 2002 to the congressional seat being vacated by his mother. He served four terms before giving up his seat in an unsuccessful run for the Senate.She is also survived by two daughters, Sheila Davis Kinui and Lucia Davis-Raiford; seven grandchildren; and five great-grandchildren.In announcing in 2002 that she would not run for a sixth term, Ms. Meek emphasized that she had not grown tired of Congress.“I love it still,” she told The Miami Herald. “But at age 76, understandably, some of my abilities have diminished. I don’t have the same vigor that I had at age 65. I have the fire, but I don’t have the physical ability. So it’s time.”David Stout, a reporter and editor at The New York Times for 28 years, died in 2020. Vimal Patel contributed reporting. More

Trump challenges media and Democrats to debate his electoral fraud lie
Former president issues typically rambling statement
Capitol attack: Schiff says Meadows contempt decision soon
Donald Trump has challenged leading editors and politicians to debate him in public over his lie that Joe Biden beat him in 2020 through electoral fraud.In a typically rambling statement on Sunday, the former president complained about “the heads of the various papers [and] far left politicians” and said: “If anyone would like a public debate on the facts, not the fiction, please let me know. It will be a ratings bonanza for television!”Can the Republican party escape Trump? Politics Weekly Extra – podcastRead moreDespite Trump’s insistence that “the 2020 election was rigged and stolen” – and his well-known fixation on TV ratings – it was not.Even William Barr, an attorney general widely seen as willing to run interference for Trump, publicly stated there was no evidence of widespread electoral fraud.Biden beat Trump by more than 7m in the popular vote and by 306-232 in the electoral college, a result Trump called a landslide when he beat Hillary Clinton by it in 2016. Clinton also beat him in the popular vote.Trump’s proposal of a public debate – which seemed unlikely to bear fruit – extended to what he called “members of the highly partisan unselect committee of Democrats who refuse to delve into what caused the 6 January protest”.The attack on the US Capitol, Trump said, was caused by “the fake election results”.In a way, he was right. It was his lies about the election which led to the deaths of five people around the attack on Congress by a mob seeking to stop certification of Biden’s win, some chanting that Trump’s vice-president, Mike Pence, should be hanged.At a rally near the White House shortly before the riot, Trump told supporters to “fight like hell” in his cause. He was impeached for inciting an insurrection but acquitted when only seven GOP senators found him guilty, not enough to convict.On Sunday, Adam Schiff, the Democratic chair of the House intelligence committee and a member of the 6 January panel, told CNN: “We tried to hold the former president accountable through impeachment. That’s the remedy that we have in Congress. We are now trying to expose the full facts of the former president’s misconduct as well as those around him.”To adapt the Tennessee Republican Howard Baker’s famous question about Richard Nixon and Watergate, the House committee is focusing on what Trump knew about plans for protest and possible violence on 6 January – and when he knew it.00:45Numerous Trump aides and allies have been served with subpoenas. Most, like the former White House strategist Steve Bannon, who has pleaded not guilty to contempt of Congress in the first such case since 1983, have refused to cooperate.‘The goal was to silence people’: historian Joanne Freeman on congressional violenceRead moreSchiff said a decision on a possible contempt charge for Mark Meadows, Trump’s last White House chief of staff, would likely be made in the coming week.It seems unlikely any senior figure in the US media or among Democrats in Congress or state governments will take up Trump’s challenge to debate him in public.Observers including the former New Jersey governor Chris Christie, who helped Trump prepare for his debates against Biden, agree that a near-berserk performance in the first such contest did significant damage to Trump’s chances of re-election.At one point on a chaotic evening in Cleveland in September, Biden was so exasperated as to plead: “Would you shut up, man? This is so unpresidential.”TopicsDonald TrumpUS Capitol attackUS elections 2020US politicsUS CongressUS press and publishingDemocratsnewsReuse this content More

La jornada electoral concluyó en Honduras y han empezado los conteos.La votación en las elecciones presidenciales de Honduras empezó a las 7 a. m. y termina oficialmente a las 5 p. m., aunque el consejo electoral ha llamado a no cerrar las urnas en las que aún queden personas esperando a emitir su voto. Elecciones en Honduras: sigue las actualizaciones en vivo aquíCada centro de votación tiene la decisión final sobre el momento de cierre. Se espera que el Consejo Nacional Electoral anuncie los resultados preliminares tres horas después del cierre de las casillas y que dé a conocer un estimado del resultado final. Es posible que los conteos finales demoren días en tabularse. Pero ese cronograma podría cambiar si es que se registran dificultades, como disturbios. En la mente de muchos hondureños están aún frescos los recuerdos de la violencia y las protestas políticas durante las elecciones de 2017 y existe un temor generalizado de disturbios y una mayor inestabilidad política después de las elecciones, particularmente en caso de que los primeros resultados sean muy ajustados. Muchos comercios han cerrado como precaución.Las encuestas han mostrado que la contienda se fue cerrando y ambos bandos están seguros de que triunfarán. El voto de 2017 también estuvo afectado por inconsistencias y los resultados siguen siendo muy ampliamente cuestionados.Desde aquella ocasión, el país llevó a cabo varias reformas electorales, pero los críticos dicen que los cambios han sido insuficientes. More

Polls began wrapping up around 5 p.m. with few reports of problems so far.Voting began at 7 a.m. and officially ended at 5 p.m., although the electoral council has urged polls to remain open if there are still people waiting to cast their ballot.Each voting center will make a final decision on when to close. The electoral council is set to announce the first results three hours after the polls close. The final results may take days to tabulate.That timeline is subject to change, however, if there are problems, like unrest.With memories of violence and political protests during the 2017 elections still fresh in the minds of many Hondurans, there is widespread fear of unrest and further political instability after the election, especially if the initial results are close. Many businesses are have shutting down as a precaution.Polls have shown the race growing increasingly tight, with both sides certain of victory. That makes it unlikely that either will concede early, further stoking fears of violence. The 2017 vote was also marred by inconsistencies, and the results remain widely questioned.The country has since enacted several electoral reforms, but critics say the changes have been insufficient. More

Los hondureños van a las urnas el domingo; la violencia política generalizada durante la campaña y los resultados cuestionados de 2017 ensombrecen el panorama.En las que podrían ser las elecciones más significativas del país en más de una década, los hondureños acudirán el domingo a votar para elegir un nuevo presidente. La contienda política ha sido manchada por la violencia y será seguida con mucha atención en Washington.Elecciones en Honduras: actualizaciones en vivo aquíLos candidatos ven la carrera como una forma de transformar el destino del país, en el que temas como los crímenes violentos y la pobreza obligan a una cantidad cada vez mayor de huir al norte.Pero los analistas políticos dicen que, dado que la corrupción parece incrustada en los más altos niveles del poder, las posibilidades de un cambio realmente transformador son muy pocas.Sin embargo, a pesar de sus muchas dificultades, una elección libre y justa en Honduras sería clave para Centroamérica y le ofrecería un remanso a una región que ha virado hacia el autoritarismo. Y el resultado podría tener consecuencias para la gestión de Joe Biden.Los sondeos muestran que la carrera será cerrada. Pero si la oposición triunfa, Honduras elegirá a su primera presidenta mujer.Aquí están las claves de la elección presidencial de Honduras.¿Qué está en juego para Honduras y para Estados Unidos?Personas cruzan la frontera entre México y Estados Unidos cerca de Del Río, Texas. El presidente Biden ha visto frustrados hasta ahora sus esfuerzos por controlar la migración desde Centroamérica y combatir la corrupción en la región.Verónica G. Cárdenas para The New York TimesDado que la pobreza y la violencia siguen azotando la vida cotidiana de la mayoría de hondureños, miles de los cuales se han ido a Estados Unidos, muchos en el país esperan desesperadamente un cambio.Después de casi ocho años de mandato del presidente Juan Orlando Hernández, cuya gestión ha sido afectada por denuncias de corrupción, los dos principales partidos prometen que cortarán por lo sano.Para la oposición, las elecciones del domingo son una oportunidad de recuperar el poder por primera vez desde 2009, cuando el presidente Manuel Zelaya fue depuesto por un golpe de Estado. La coalición izquierdista ha prometido detener el deterioro de las normas democráticas que ha sucedido en el mandato de Hernández.Para el gobernante Partido Nacional, las elecciones son una oportunidad para recuperar algo de legitimidad luego de años de gobernanza corrupta y de las irregularidades generalizadas de la última votación.Las elecciones podrían tener repercusiones de gran alcance en Washington, donde el presidente Biden hasta ahora ha visto obstaculizadas dos de sus prioridades de política exterior: controlar la migración procedente de Centroamérica y combatir la corrupción en la región.Una elección libre y justa podría crear un pequeño faro de esperanza democrática en la región, que vive bajo la sombra del autoritarismo en países como Nicaragua y El Salvador.¿Quiénes son los candidatos?La contienda del domingo enfrenta a un carismático alcalde de la capital, Tegucigalpa, con la esposa de un expresidente que aspira a convertirse en la primera mujer jefa de Estado del país.Gustavo Amador/EPA vía ShutterstockLa contienda del domingo enfrenta a un carismático alcalde de la capital, Tegucigalpa, con la esposa de un expresidente que compite para ser la primera jefa de Estado del país.Nasry Asfura, de 63 años, más popularmente conocido como Papi, es un ex empresario que ha gobernado Tegucigalpa desde 2014. También ha sido legislador por el Partido Nacional en el Congreso Nacional de Honduras.Bajo el lema “Papi es diferente”, Asfura intenta distanciarse del presidente Hernández, miembro de su partido. Pero Asfura también enfrentaba acusaciones de corrupción y ha sido denunciado por malversación de fondos públicos. Los cargos, que Asfura niega, se han atorado en los juzgados.Asfura ha prometido crear nuevos empleos y mejorar la agobiada economía hondureña y su partido acusa a la oposición de comunismo y de querer transformar radicalmente al país.Su oponente es Xiomara Castro, que está casada con Manuel Zelaya, el expresidente izquierdista que en 2009 fue retirado del cargo por un golpe militar. Castro, de 62 años, lideró un movimiento de protesta después del golpe y se convirtió en la principal candidata de oposición luego de que en octubre varios partidos políticos la respaldaron en una coalición.Castro ha prometido establecer relaciones diplomáticas con China, flexibilizar las restrictivas leyes de aborto de Honduras y mejorar la economía hondureña a través de, entre otras medidas, un mejor manejo de la deuda nacional, que asciende a 13.000 millones de dólares.A pesar de los esfuerzos del partido gobernante de presentarla como una comunista fervorosa, Castro ha conseguido el apoyo del sector empresarial hondureño al integrar a su equipo económico a tecnócratas respetados y al mismo tiempo apelar a los partidarios más de izquierda de Zelaya.¿Por qué ha sido tan mortífera la campaña?Un homenaje en Tegucigalpa, Honduras, para las víctimas de la violencia política, este mes. Los ataques mortales contra candidatos y sus partidarios se han duplicado en 2021 en comparación con hace cuatro años, según las Naciones Unidas.Orlando Sierra/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesLa violencia política ha sido durante mucho tiempo un elemento básico de las elecciones hondureñas, pero este año ha sido particularmente sangriento, con casi 30 candidatos, activistas y sus familiares asesinados en las semanas previas a las votaciones del domingo.Los ataques mortales a candidatos y sus seguidores han aumentado en más del doble en 2021, en comparación con el periodo electoral anterior hace cuatro años, según Naciones Unidas. De acuerdo con la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras, se han registrado más de 60 casos de violencia política este año. En un ejemplo particularmente atroz, varios hombres ingresaron a la casa de la congresista Olivia Marcela Zúniga Cáceres en octubre e intentaron asfixiarla, según reportaron los medios de comunicación locales.Los expertos en violencia electoral dicen que la proliferación de grupos de delincuencia organizada, la falta de acceso a la justicia y los ataques a rivales políticos durante el gobierno de Hernández son en parte culpables de la situación.Y aunque ninguno de los bandos políticos se ha librado de la violencia, los activistas dicen que es más probable que los ataques beneficien al partido en el poder al crear un clima de miedo que podría mantener a los votantes en casa.¿Participarán los hondureños en el extranjero?Impresión de papeletas electorales en Tegucigalpa este mes. Algunos hondureños que viven en Estados Unidos se han quejado de que los nuevos documentos de identidad exigidos por el gobierno hondureño para votar han sido difíciles de conseguir.Fredy Rodriguez/ReutersLos hondureños que viven en el exterior, de los cuales unos 740.000 residen en Estados Unidos, seguirán muy de cerca una elección cuyo resultado muy probablemente afecte a sus amigos y parientes en casa.Los hondureños en Estados Unidos son una fuerza económica importante, al enviar miles de millones de dólares en remesas que representan alrededor del 20 por ciento de la economía de Honduras. Muchos de los que viven en Estados Unidos culpan al gobierno actual de fomentar la violencia, la corrupción y el desempleo que ha obligado a miles a marcharse.Si bien los hondureños que viven en el extranjero son elegibles para votar, algunos en Estados Unidos se han quejado de que las nuevas tarjetas de identidad requeridas para votar por el gobierno hondureño han sido difíciles de conseguir.En Honduras también hay alrededor de 300.000 personas que aún no reclaman su nuevo documento de identidad, según informes de la prensa local.En Estados Unidos, menos de 13.000 hondureños se registraron para recibir el documento, que debía entregarse la semana pasada según un activista que habló con el Times. El embajador hondureño en Estados Unidos reconoció fallos en el proceso, pero negó cualquier sesgo político.¿Qué puede esperarse el domingo?Soldados patrullan Cantarranas, Honduras, el sábado. Con los recuerdos de la violencia durante las elecciones de 2017 aún frescos en la mente de muchos hondureños, existe un temor generalizado de que las elecciones del domingo traigan consigo disturbios.Moises Castillo/Associated PressLa votación empezó a las 7 a. m. y termina a las 5 p. m. El consejo electoral deberá anunciar resultados preliminares tres horas después del cierre de las mesas de votación, incluido un estimado de los resultados finales.En la mente de muchos hondureños están aún frescos los recuerdos de la violencia y las protestas políticas durante las elecciones de 2017 y existe un temor generalizado de disturbios y una mayor inestabilidad política después de las elecciones. Muchas empresas cerrarán este fin de semana.Las encuestas han mostrado que la contienda se fue cerrando y ambos bandos están seguros de que triunfarán. Eso hace poco probable que alguno de los candidatos conceda la victoria a hora temprana lo que azuza aún más los temores de violencia. El voto de 2017 también estuvo afectado por inconsistencias y los resultados siguen siendo muy ampliamente cuestionados.Desde aquella ocasión, el país llevó a cabo varias reformas electorales, pero los críticos dicen que los cambios han sido insuficientes. More

Hondurans head to the polls on Sunday, but widespread political violence during the campaign and questionable results from 2017 are looming large.In what may be their country’s most significant elections in more than a decade, Hondurans will head to the polls on Sunday to choose a new president, a political contest that has been marred by violence and is being closely watched in Washington.With issues like violent crime and poverty forcing an ever-increasing number of Hondurans to flee north, candidates are billing the race as a chance to alter the country’s destiny.But with corruption seemingly ingrained in the highest levels of power, political analysts say the chances of truly transformative change are slim.Still, a free and fair election in Honduras, despite its many problems, would be significant for Central America, offering a respite from the region’s antidemocratic turn. And the outcome could be consequential for the Biden administration.Polls are showing a tight race. But if the opposition triumphs, Honduras would elect its first female president.Here’s what else you need to know about Honduras’s presidential elections.What’s at stake for Honduras, and the United States?People crossing between Mexico an the United States near Del Rio, Texas. President Biden has so far been stymied in his efforts to control migration from Central America and combat corruption there.Verónica G. Cárdenas for The New York TimesWith poverty and violence continuing to plague daily life for most Hondurans, thousands of whom have fled to the United States, many in the country are desperate for change.After nearly eight years under President Juan Orlando Hernández, whose administration has been marred by corruption allegations, the country’s two major parties are both pledging a clean break.For the opposition, Sunday’s elections are a chance to regain power for the first time since 2009, when President Manuel Zelaya was ousted in a coup. The left-leaning coalition has vowed to halt the erosion of democratic norms under Mr. Hernández.For the governing National Party, the elections represent a chance to re-establish some legitimacy following years of corrupt governance and widespread irregularities during the last election. The elections could have far-reaching repercussions in Washington, where President Biden has so far been stymied in two of his most important foreign policy priorities: controlling migration from Central America and combating corruption there.With the shadow of authoritarianism hanging over neighboring countries, including Nicaragua and El Salvador, a free and fair election could create a small beacon of democratic hope in the region. Who is running?Sunday’s contest pits a charismatic mayor from the capital, Tegucigalpa, against the wife of a former president who is running to become the country’s first female head of state.Gustavo Amador/EPA, via ShutterstockSunday’s contest pits a charismatic mayor from the capital, Tegucigalpa, against the wife of a former president who is running to become the country’s first female head of state.Nasry Asfura, 63, more popularly known as Papi, which means “Daddy” in Spanish, is a former businessman who has been mayor of Tegucigalpa since 2014. He has also served in Honduras’s National Congress, representing the National Party.Running under the slogan “Daddy Is Different,” Mr. Asfura is trying to set himself apart from President Hernández, a member of his party. But Mr. Asfura has also faced corruption allegations and been accused of embezzling public funds. The charges, which Mr. Asfura denies, have stalled in court.Mr. Asfura has promised to create new jobs and improve the crippled Honduran economy, and his party accuses the opposition of being communists intent on radically transforming the country.His opponent is Xiomara Castro, who is married to Manuel Zelaya, the former leftist president who was deposed in a 2009 military coup. In the wake of the ousting, Ms. Castro led a sustained protest movement. Ms. Castro, 62, became the leading opposition candidate after a number of political parties coalesced behind her in October.Ms. Castro has promised to establish diplomatic relations with China, loosen Honduras’s restrictive abortion laws and improve the Honduran economy through, among other things, better managing the nation’s $13 billion debt.Despite the governing party’s efforts to paint her as an ardent communist, Ms. Castro has won the endorsement of the Honduran business sector by bringing respected technocrats into her economic team, while also appealing to Mr. Zelaya’s more leftist supporters.Why has this campaign been so deadly?A memorial in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, this month to victims of political violence. Deadly attacks on candidates and their supporters have more than doubled in 2021 compared with four years ago, according to the United Nations.Orlando Sierra/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesPolitical violence has long been a staple of Honduran elections, but this year has been particularly bloody, with almost 30 candidates, activists and their relatives killed in the weeks leading up to Sunday’s election.Deadly attacks on candidates and their supporters more than doubled in 2021 compared with the previous campaign period four years ago, according to the United Nations. According to the National Autonomous University of Honduras, there have been more than 60 cases of political violence this year. In one particularly egregious example, several men entered the home of Olivia Marcela Zúniga Cáceres, a congresswoman, in October and tried to asphyxiate her, the local news media reported.Experts on electoral violence say that the proliferation of organized criminal groups, the lack of access to justice and the attacks on political rivals under the government of Mr. Hernández are partly to blame.And while neither side of the political divide has been spared the violence, activists say that the attacks are more likely to benefit the incumbent party by creating a climate of fear that could keep voters at home.Are Hondurans abroad participating?Electoral ballots being printed in Tegucigalpa this month. Some Hondurans living in the United States have complained that new identity cards required by the Honduran government to vote have been difficult to obtain.Fredy Rodriguez/ReutersHondurans abroad, some 740,000 of whom live in the United States, will be watching the election closely, with the outcome likely to affect friends and family at home.Hondurans in the United States are an important economic force back home, with billions of dollars in remittances accounting for some 20 percent of the Honduran economy. Many of those in the United States blame the current government for fomenting the violence, corruption and unemployment that has forced thousands to flee.While Hondurans living overseas are eligible to vote, some in the United States have complained that the new identity cards required to vote by the Honduran government have been difficult to obtain.In Honduras, too, some 300,000 people have yet to claim their new ID cards, according to local news media reports.Fewer than 13,000 Hondurans in the United States registered for the IDs, which were supposed to have been delivered last week, according to a Honduran activist who spoke with The Times. The Honduran ambassador to the United States acknowledged flaws in the process but denied any political bias.What can we expect on Sunday?Soldiers patrolling Cantarranas on Saturday. With memories of violence during the 2017 elections still fresh for many Hondurans, there is widespread fear that Sunday’s election will bring unrest.Moises Castillo/Associated PressVoting begins at 7 a.m. and ends at 5 p.m. The electoral council is set to announce preliminary results three hours after the polls close, including an estimate of the final results. With memories of violence and political protests during the 2017 elections still fresh in the minds of many Hondurans, there is widespread fear of unrest and further political instability after the election, and many businesses are shutting down this weekend.Polls have shown the race growing increasingly tight, with both sides certain of victory. That makes it unlikely that either will concede early, further stoking fears of violence. The 2017 vote was also marred by inconsistencies, and the results remain widely questioned.The country has since enacted several electoral reforms, but critics say the changes have been insufficient. More

Last weekend I considered what the Democratic Party should expect from politics after Covid — the hope of revived popularity for Joe Biden under return-to-normalcy conditions, the danger that the left-tilting party might be losing ground across multiple different demographic groups. Now, after an interlude of giving thanks, let’s consider how post-Covid politics might look from the Republican side.Republicans have a lot to be thankful for. In the years since George W. Bush their party has staggered around without a governing ideology, veering from one style of fantasy politics to another, and twice nominated a ridiculously unfit reality-television star for the presidency. Yet through it all the party has never collapsed, never fallen more than a little distance out of power and almost always retained a certain capacity to block the Democrats, which is the only thing its constituencies can agree on.This pattern seems unlikely to be broken even if Biden’s poll numbers bounce back across 2022 and 2023. In that scenario Republicans will still probably narrowly recapture the House of Representatives, returning to the position that they held immediately after last November’s election — as a minority coalition, but a large one rather than a rump, which thanks to its structural advantages can always hope to hold at least part of Congress and ride a few lucky breaks into the White House.But in a way, that advantage is also the core Republican weakness, and the party’s good fortune in avoiding profound punishment for all its follies is the reason those follies will probably continue. The problems in the Democratic Party — the danger that its progressive turn is costing it conservative-leaning minority votes, even as anti-Trump suburban voters could swing back to the G.O.P. — create an opportunity for Republicans to win real popular majorities at the national level, on the scale of Bush in 2004 if not quite Ronald Reagan. But the fact that they don’t need to be a majority coalition to exercise a certain power means that they’re more likely to choose badly, and stay roughly where they are.The alternative, the best-case post-Covid scenario for the party, was visible in Glenn Youngkin’s Virginia campaign, which essentially blended elements from Donald Trump in 2016 and 2020 with Mitt Romney in 2012, while shedding the baggage that kept both men from winning popular-vote majorities. Youngkin has a Romney-esque persona — the corporate suit and genial family man — but where the man from Bain Capital ended up captive to party dogma on taxes and entitlement cuts, the former Carlyle Group executive promised higher education spending and tax cuts that benefit the lower-middle class, playing against the corporate-Republican and supply-side stereotypes.Meanwhile, Youngkin imitated Trump not just in his relatively populist promises but also in his willingness to pick cultural fights — in this case, on critical race theory in schools — that other moderate Republicans might shy away from. But then in most other ways he was an anti-Trump: decent rather than bullying, reasonable rather than paranoid, keeping conspiracism at a distance, reassuringly competent rather than apocalyptic.So that’s all the G.O.P. needs nationally to fully exploit its post-Covid opportunities — a more populist economic agenda, a willingness to take the fight to the progressive left (but with a smile) and an end to Trumpian conspiracism.But do enough actors in the party really want that combination? At the elite level there is a clutch of politicians and candidates who keep groping for a more populist agenda and a group of nationalist intellectuals who think they’re on the cusp of imposing one upon the party. But there is still a larger group of lawmakers, strategist and donors who are very comfortable having no agenda whatsoever, or falling back on the familiarity of upper-bracket tax cuts and pretend budget cuts as soon as they’re restored to power.Among the party’s voters, activists and media personalities, meanwhile, there remains a clear appetite not for the Youngkin-style appropriation of certain parts of Trumpism, but for Donald Trump in full — nourished by the plausible belief that populists and social conservatives can’t entirely trust more-corporate Republicans, the implausible belief that Trump’s nastiness helped him more than it hurt him, the false belief that he actually won the 2020 election, plus the very America-in-2021 desire for politics to be high-stakes TV entertainment rather than boring attempts to cobble together governing majorities.And here’s the thing: Between the Democratic Party’s weaknesses, Biden’s age and the unimpressiveness of his possible successors, Republicans could very easily be competitive in 2024 while renominating Trump and campaigning on a purely negative agenda.Sure, they can’t expect to govern effectively that way, and they’d be throwing away a potentially golden opportunity. But in the end the race would be close, there would be some exciting constitutional-crisis possibilities in the aftermath, and if the Democrats pulled it out, well, their majorities would be slim and 2026 would be just around the corner.And if there’s anything we’ve learned over the past 15 years, it’s that the chance to enjoy a little bit of power without any real responsibility is impossible for Republicans to resist.The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: [email protected] The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTOpinion) and Instagram. More