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      Zimbabwe Voters to Elect President While Trained Workers Flee

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      Nurses, doctors and workers of all kinds are seeking to escape the country’s economic turmoil, an issue that has become a central theme in the election scheduled for Wednesday.The hospital where Warren George worked as a nurse in Zimbabwe was so short of basic supplies, like plaster, that he could not make casts to treat people with broken bones. He soon sought to join the exodus of more than 4,000 nurses who have fled the southern African nation in the past two years.But the government has refused to give him and many others the documents they would need to work in, say, Britain or Canada. He says that he now earns only about $500 a month as a traveling nurse and has to pick up extra shifts on his days off to ensure his family has enough to eat.Zimbabweans are scheduled to go to the polls on Wednesday in only the second election since Robert Mugabe, the liberation leader turned strongman president, was ousted in a coup.The vote amounts to a referendum on President Emmerson Mnangagwa, who is seeking a second term after, critics say, failing to steady the economy or stop the flight of workers, including a crippling “brain drain” of educated professionals. The departure of nurses and doctors has increased since the Covid pandemic, contributing to a widespread shortage of health workers on the African continent.Mr. Mnangagwa at an election rally in Harare this month. He is seeking a second term.Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi/Associated PressTriple-digit inflation has become the norm — it spiked to 176 percent in June. The country is $18 billion in debt and cannot get international loans because of political instability. Jobs are sparse, with economists estimating that 90 percent of work is informal. The local currency has become so worthless that the price grocery stores charge for bread has skyrocketed to 12,000 Zimbabwean dollars from 860 in April. Many use the U.S. dollar instead, when they can.“Everyone you meet in the streets, they are desperate to leave the country,” said Dr. Norman Matara, head of the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights, an advocacy organization.“Some of our colleagues have gone outside — you see them doing well in South Africa, in the U.K., in Canada,” he added. “You get the motivation to also leave because, honestly, we are just wasting our time.”This election, like past ones, is taking place in a jittery environment with fears of violence and of vote-rigging in favor of ZANU-PF, the party of Mr. Mnangagwa, which has governed Zimbabwe since independence in 1980.Mr. Mnangagwa came to power through a coup in 2017 that unseated Mr. Mugabe, who became increasingly autocratic during his nearly four decades in power. In the 2018 election, Mr. Mnangagwa eked out a victory, winning 50.8 percent of the vote over his closest rival, Nelson Chamisa, who is now president of the main opposition party, the Citizens Coalition for Change.Makeshift polling stations in Mbare, a township in Harare, on Monday.Siphiwe Sibeko/ReutersThis election is a rematch, and while polls suggest a tight race, many international and domestic observers doubt that the election will be free and fair.“It’s history repeating itself, except that ZANU-PF has perfected the system of rigging,” said Ibbo Mandaza, a political analyst in Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital, who runs an independent social-science think tank.The police have shut down dozens of rallies of the Citizens Coalition for Change and arrested dozens of its supporters. A new law that could result in the death penalty for Zimbabweans deemed to have betrayed the national interest has made many fearful to share their views.Even so, in surveys, Zimbabweans overwhelmingly say that they are dissatisfied with the direction of the country and the economy under Mr. Mnangagwa. If he prevails, political analysts say, there could be a surge in mass migration of Zimbabweans, straining other countries in the region — especially South Africa, where a struggling economy of its own has fueled violence against immigrants. Harare on Saturday. While polls suggest a tight vote, many international and domestic observers doubt that the election will be free and fair.John Wessels/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesMany African countries are short on health workers, more than any other region. The continent produces about 150,000 trained medical workers a year, but one in three cannot get jobs because there is not enough money to fund positions, according to James Avoka Asamani, who leads the World Health Organization’s work force team for Africa. The W.H.O. has identified 55 nations with critical shortages of health workers and suggests that foreign countries should not recruit from them. Thirty-seven of those nations are in Africa, including Zimbabwe, added this year, where the government estimates that the country will need at least an additional 69,000 medical workers by 2030.When Angela Khulu, an 84-year-old grandmother, was hit by a car recently and stumbled into a hospital in Bulawayo, in Zimbabwe’s south, most of the administrative nurses and hospital clerks were already ending their day shifts. She waited in a long line while the few medical workers on duty bounced between patients.Praying for a peaceful election during a church service in Harare on Sunday.John Wessels/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesAfter two hours, with pain radiating down her left side, she was seen by a doctor, who recommended checking for internal bleeding. But the hospital, Mpilo Central, did not have enough radiographers — or X-ray films — so, despite her serious symptoms, she was sent home and told to come back the following day.Dr. Tawanda Mapfumo, who works at Mpilo Central, says he has become accustomed to the chaos at the hospital, where about three dozen patients cram onto wooden benches in the corridors and waiting rooms. He says he cannot shake the guilt of seeing patients die because there are no resources to treat them.Those trying conditions have created an opening for Britain, in particular, to lure away Zimbabwean health workers. Nearly 22,000 Zimbabweans have received health care work visas from Britain over the past three years (though not everyone who receives one actually moves).Britain’s recruitment has drawn the ire of Zimbabwe’s government. In April, the vice president, Constantino Chiwenga, who is also the health minister, suggested introducing a law to criminalize the recruitment of Zimbabwean health workers by foreign countries. No law has been formally introduced yet.But within the past two years, health workers in Zimbabwe said, the Health Ministry has made it more difficult for them to get the letters of good standing they need to be hired abroad.A 31-year-old doctor, who requested anonymity to avoid trouble with the Zimbabwean government, said that in 2020, when he applied for his letter to move to Namibia to practice, he paid $40 and received the letter the same day.But when he sought another letter from the Zimbabwean authorities in early 2021 to move from Namibia to South Africa for more training, he was confronted with a fee of $150 and a five-page form with questions he considered intrusive. He filled out the form and paid but has still not received his letter.A hospital in Harare last year. The W.H.O. has identified 55 nations with critical shortages of health workers. Thirty-seven of those countries are in Africa, including Zimbabwe.Jekesai Njikizana/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesNonetheless, he said he was fortunate because he still works in Namibia, where his $3,000 monthly salary is roughly 10 times what he made in Zimbabwe.“It’s not worth your time or dignity,” he said, referring to the poor pay in Zimbabwe.The Zimbabwean Health Ministry did not respond to requests for comment. Christopher Mutsvangwa, spokesman for ZANU-PF, said that the government was not opposed to citizens going abroad for jobs but that it needed to control the flow to ensure that some skilled workers remained.Despite the government’s barriers, Zimbabweans are still finding ways to flee.Wynter Banda swapped her life as a hairdresser in Harare to become a nursing home aide in Britain. She and her husband, Godwill, a teacher, sold their car and borrowed from friends to come up with the $5,000 she needed for the visa fee and other moving expenses.Her husband eventually joined her and works as a science teacher. Things are tight, she said, because of debt and high rent. Still, she said they had made the right decision.“Even though it’s not easy and the working hours are very long and stressful, I can’t imagine going back to Zimbabwe,” she said. “We suffered there.”Studying during a power cut in Harare last year. Critics say that Mr. Mnangagwa’s government has failed to steady the economy or stop the flight of workers.Associated PressJeffrey Moyo More

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      ¿Qué sigue en Ecuador y Guatemala?

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      ¿Qué sigue en Ecuador y Guatemala?Dos países votaron, la historia de una fotografía y más para el martes.Dos países latinoamericanos fueron a las urnas el domingo. Ecuador y Guatemala pusieron a prueba sus sistemas democráticos en votaciones muy esperadas. Esto es lo que hay que saber sobre lo que estaba en juego y los resultados:Bernardo Arévalo obtuvo una aplastante victoria en Guatemala con el 58 por ciento de los votos frente al 37 por ciento que obtuvo Sandra Torres, una ex primera dama asociada con las élites conservadoras que gobiernan el país.Ciudad de Guatemala el domingo por la noche.Pilar Olivares/ReutersLa contienda a la presidencia de Guatemala, particularmente en la segunda vuelta, estuvo ensombrecida por la represión del poder judicial, la descalificación de candidatos opositores y la censura a los medios de comunicación. Aquí puedes leer las claves de los comicios.Arévalo, ahora presidente electo, se postuló por el Movimiento Semilla con una plataforma anticorrupción y aunque su base era mayoritariamente de profesionales urbanos, logró atraer a una mayoría de los votantes, lo que demuestra el rechazo a la clase gobernante.Ecuador, por su parte, irá a segunda vuelta en octubre para elegir a su próximo presidente, que gobernará hasta 2025. Será un enfrentamiento entre Luisa González, candidata de izquierda respaldada por el correísmo, y Daniel Noboa, un acaudalado empresario con poca experiencia política que fue la sorpresa de las votaciones.En los comicios ecuatorianos, que se celebraron de manera anticipada luego de que el presidente Guillermo Lasso disolvió la Asamblea Nacional en medio de denuncias de malversación de fondos y un proceso de destitución, el tema dominante fue la inseguridad. Ecuador se ha convertido en un país donde la violencia del narcotráfico ha empezado a causar estragos a todo nivel: desde la seguridad ciudadana, pasando por la extorsión a pequeños negocios y el reciente asesinato de un aspirante presidencial.Los votantes ecuatorianos también aprobaron que se dejen de explotar las reservas petroleras de una zona en el Parque Nacional Yasuní, uno de los lugares con más riqueza ecológica del planeta, donde viven comunidades indígenas no contactadas. El resultado del referéndum es vinculante y los expertos dicen que la paraestatal Petroecuador deberá retirarse de la zona en el próximo año y medio, aunque es posible que demore hasta una década en desmantelar completamente la operación.Simon Romero, Genevieve Glatsky y Jody García escribieron este resumen poselectoral sobre Guatemala y Ecuador en el que señalan que ambas elecciones tuvieron escenarios imprevistos. Los procesos electorales en los dos países “destacaron una tendencia regional más general: la incertidumbre y volatilidad de la política latinoamericana”.La segunda vuelta en Ecuador está programada para el 15 de octubre y el Tribunal Supremo Electoral de Guatemala hará la declaración oficial de los resultados próximamente.Integrantes del pueblo waorani promovían en Quito, la capital de Ecuador, responder “sí” en la consulta popular a mediados del mes.Dolores Ochoa/Associated PressSi alguien te reenvió este correo, puedes hacer clic aquí para recibirlo tres veces por semana.La historia de una fotoFederico Rios para The New York TimesHace algunos meses publicamos una imagen de Federico Rios como parte de un reportaje sobre la travesía migrante a través del peligroso Tapón del Darién, el tramo de selva que separa a Panamá de Colombia. Ahora, Federico ha escrito un texto sobre los protagonistas de la imagen.— More

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      Thai Ex-Prime Minister Returns From Exile, Adding to Political Chaos

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      Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted in a coup in 2006, has come back to Thailand at a time when the country is struggling to elect a new leader.Thaksin Shinawatra, the former premier who was ousted in a coup and has been living in exile since 2006, returned to Bangkok for the first time in 15 years on Tuesday, adding to the country’s political drama on a day that Parliament was to vote for a new prime minister.Mr. Thaksin was living in self-imposed exile in part to avoid facing corruption and abuse of power charges affiliated with his telecom business. While in exile, he shuttled between England, Hong Kong and Dubai, avoiding Thailand for fear of not receiving a fair trial. He was tried for most of these cases in absentia and found guilty of several charges.Mr. Thaksin’s private jet arrived Tuesday morning at the Don Muang International Airport in Bangkok. And his landing comes after months of a political logjam that has left the country without a clear leadership candidate after the top vote-winner in the May general election was functionally blocked from office by allies of the country’s military and monarchy.His return reflects the degree of confidence that he has in his party, Pheu Thai, to form a government and elect a new prime minister this week. Srettha Thavisin, a real estate tycoon and a close ally of Mr. Thaksin, has been nominated for the job by Pheu Thai, but it remains unclear if he will win the post once voting is done on Tuesday.Pheu Thai’s candidates Srettha Thavisin, left, and Paetongtarn Shinawatra, the daughter of Mr. Thaksin, at a rally in Bangkok in May. Jorge Silva/ReutersAt a news conference on Sunday, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, Mr. Thaksin’s youngest daughter, said her father would not be involved in politics once he returned to Thailand. But few Thai voters believe that claim.Mr. Thaksin, a charismatic 74-year-old billionaire, is the founder of Pheu Thai, which still looks to him for guidance, according to party members. His policies remain popular in Thailand, where many Thais recall his populist agenda fondly, particularly his $1 health care program and the disbursement of loans to farmers when he was prime minister from 2001 to 2006.But more recently, Pheu Thai supporters have felt betrayed by the party’s moves to partner with the military in order to form a new government and elect a prime minister.Earlier this month, Pheu Thai abandoned its main coalition partner, the progressive Move Forward Party, which won the general election in May. Move Forward had refused to withdraw its pledge to revise a law that criminalizes criticism of the powerful Thai monarchy, an institution fiercely backed by conservatives and the military.Thai soldiers standing guard in front of the Royal Plaza in Bangkok after the military seized power from Mr. Thaksin in a coup in 2006.Pornchai Kittiwongsakul/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesUntil now, Pheu Thai had vowed never to partner with military-backed parties in Parliament.Despite his influence, Mr. Thaksin no longer has the same hold over the Thai public that he did a decade ago. A generation of young Thais see him as a self-serving politician obsessed with orchestrating an elaborate homecoming. In his absence, other charismatic figures like Pita Limjaroenrat, the leader of the Move Forward Party, have risen, appealing to an electorate disillusioned with the politics of the old.In 2008, Mr. Thaksin made a brief return to Thailand after his political allies won an election. During that time, he and his then-wife, Potjaman Na Pombejra, were tried on a conflict of interest case over a plot of land that was sold to Ms. Potjaman. He fled to London before the guilty verdict was handed down. More

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      Elecciones en Ecuador y Guatemala en 4 conclusiones

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      A los “outsiders” les fue mejor de lo esperado, lo que subraya la volatilidad de la política latinoamericana. A los candidatos que llamaron a emular las medidas enérgicas contra el crimen de El Salvador no les fue bien.El domingo, Ecuador y Guatemala celebraron elecciones que dejaron en evidencia algunas tendencias cruciales en América Latina como los esfuerzos anticorrupción, la creciente importancia de los votantes jóvenes y los llamados a emular las medidas enérgicas contra el crimen de El Salvador.En Ecuador, donde el asesinato del candidato presidencial Fernando Villavicencio este mes ensombreció la campaña, una política de la izquierda tradicional, Luisa González, se enfrentará en una segunda vuelta a Daniel Noboa, el heredero de una familia adinerada conocida por su imperio bananero.Y en Guatemala, el activista progresista y anticorrupción Bernardo Arévalo ganó la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de manera aplastante contra una ex primera dama, Sandra Torres, asestando así un golpe al establishment político conservador del país.Debido a las preocupaciones latentes sobre la erosión del Estado de derecho y la influencia cada vez mayor de las bandas narcotraficantes en diferentes partes de América Latina, la votación fue observada de cerca en busca de señales de lo que podrían significar los resultados.A continuación, presentamos algunas conclusiones clave.El presidente de El Salvador, Nayib Bukele, ha tomado medidas enérgicas contra la violencia de las pandillas mediante arrestos masivos que perjudicaron a miles de personas inocentes.Brittainy Newman para The New York TimesLa delincuencia no fue el único tema en la mente de los votantesEcuador y Guatemala enfrentan una variedad de retos diferentes, y aunque las dificultades para gobernar de manera efectiva en ambos países son bien conocidas, los nuevos líderes tendrán que lidiar con tener bajo control el crimen organizado y crear oportunidades económicas para mantener a sus ciudadanos en casa y evitar que emigren.La estrella del momento en la escena política de América Latina es el presidente populista conservador de El Salvador, Nayib Bukele, debido a su éxito en el uso de tácticas de línea dura para sofocar la violencia de las pandillas, incluidos arrestos masivos que afectaron a miles de personas inocentes y erosionaron las libertades civiles. Pero las expectativas de que los entusiastas de las tácticas de Bukele sobre el crimen tendrían un camino fácil hacia la victoria se desvanecieron tanto en Ecuador como en Guatemala.“Es notable que en ninguno de los dos casos les haya ido bien a los admiradores descarados de las políticas severas de Nayib Bukele contra las bandas criminales en El Salvador”, dijo Michael Shifter, miembro principal de Diálogo Intermericano, una organización de investigación con sede en Washington.A pesar de la conmoción generada por el asesinato de Villavicencio, los candidatos explícitamente anticrimen en Ecuador dividieron su porción de los votos. A Jan Topic, quien se alineó estrechamente con Bukele, le fue mal a pesar de haber subido en las encuestas tras el asesinato.“Hizo una campaña de un solo tema que, en su mayoría, se enfocó en la seguridad”, dijo Risa Grais-Targow, directora para América Latina de Eurasia Group, sobre Topic. “Pero los votantes tienen otras preocupaciones, como las relacionadas con la economía”.De manera similar, en Guatemala —donde crecían los temores de un descenso hacia el autoritarismo— la promesa de Torres de implementar políticas al estilo de Bukele no logró ganar mucho impulso. En cambio, su rival la puso a la defensiva debido a que había pasado un tiempo bajo arresto domiciliario en relación con cargos de financiamiento ilícito de campañas.También influyeron en el resultado las maniobras de la autoridad electoral de Guatemala para simplemente descalificar a los candidatos que se consideraron amenazas al orden establecido.Uno de los candidatos expulsados de la contienda antes de la primera vuelta en junio fue Carlos Pineda, un outsider que buscaba replicar las medidas enérgicas contra el crimen de Bukele. La descalificación de Pineda y otros le abrió un camino a Arévalo, otro candidato independiente cuyas propuestas para combatir el delito son más matizadas.Los candidatos guatemaltecos intentaron capitalizar el apoyo de los jóvenes.Daniele Volpe para The New York TimesLos votantes jóvenes influyen en las eleccionesEn un grado notable, los resultados electorales en Ecuador y Guatemala dependieron de las decisiones de los votantes jóvenes. En Ecuador, Noboa, un empresario de 35 años, neófito de la política, estaba en los últimos lugares de las encuestas hasta hace apenas unas semanas.Pero aprovechando el apoyo de los jóvenes mientras se presentaba como un candidato independiente, Noboa se abrió camino inesperadamente hacia la segunda vuelta con cerca del 24 por ciento de los votos. (El reconocimiento de su apellido también podría haber ayudado; su padre, Álvaro Noboa, uno de los hombres más ricos de Ecuador, se postuló a la presidencia en cinco oportunidades).En Guatemala, el país más poblado de América Central, Arévalo, de 64 años, también se benefició del apoyo de los jóvenes, especialmente en las ciudades, quienes se sintieron atraídos por sus llamados a poner fin a la persecución política de activistas de derechos humanos, ambientalistas, periodistas, fiscales y jueces.Arévalo también mostró una postura más moderada sobre temas sociales. Aunque dijo que no buscaría legalizar el aborto o el matrimonio igualitario, dejó claro que su gobierno no permitiría la discriminación contra las personas por su orientación sexual.Esa postura, algo novedosa en Guatemala, contrastó en gran manera con la de Torres, quien seleccionó a un pastor evangélico como su compañero de fórmula y empleó un insulto contra personas homosexuales en la campaña electoral para referirse a los simpatizantes de Arévalo.Luisa González enfrentará a Daniel Noboa en la segunda vuelta de las elecciones en Ecuador.Johanna Alarcón para The New York TimesLa izquierda va en diferentes direccionesGuatemala y Ecuador ofrecieron visiones contrastantes de la izquierda en América Latina.Dentro del panorama político tradicionalmente conservador de Guatemala, Arévalo, quien critica gobiernos de izquierda como el de Nicaragua, a menudo es descrito como un progresista. En ese sentido se parece más a Gabriel Boric, el presidente joven y moderado de Chile, que a los agitadores de otras zonas de la región.El partido de Arévalo, Movimiento Semilla, el cual se formó tras las protestas anticorrupción en 2015, también es diferente a cualquier otro movimiento surgido en Guatemala durante las últimas décadas. Semilla llamó la atención por realizar una campaña austera y de principios, dejando claras sus fuentes de financiamiento, a diferencia del financiamiento opaco que prevalece en otros partidos. Otra fuente de inspiración para Semilla es el Frente Amplio de Uruguay, un partido de centro izquierda moderado y democrático.“Arévalo es un demócrata de pies a cabeza”, aseveró Will Freeman, miembro de estudios latinoamericanos del Consejo de Relaciones Exteriores.González, en contraste, proviene de un sector diferente de la izquierda latinoamericana, caracterizado en el caso de Ecuador por poner a prueba los controles y equilibrios democráticos, dijo Freeman. Es partidaria de Rafael Correa, un expresidente ecuatoriano que sigue siendo una fuerza dominante en la política del país a pesar de tener seis años fuera del poder.Correa, quien vive en Bélgica tras huir de una sentencia de prisión de ocho años por violaciones en el financiamiento de campañas, conserva una base sólida que oscila entre el 20 y el 30 por ciento del electorado.En gran medida, ese apoyo es resultado de la “nostalgia de ese momento de bienestar que hubo durante la era de Correa”, dijo Caroline Ávila, analista política en Ecuador.Arévalo obtuvo más votos que cualquier otro candidato en Guatemala desde que se restableció la democracia en el país en 1985.Daniele Volpe para The New York TimesLa imprevisibilidad marcó las contiendasLas elecciones tanto en Ecuador como en Guatemala destacaron una tendencia regional más general: la incertidumbre y volatilidad de la política latinoamericana.En ambos países, las encuestas fallaron en captar desarrollos cruciales. En Ecuador, donde Topic capitalizó las consecuencias del asesinato de Villavicencio, Noboa se abrió camino para pasar a la segunda vuelta.Y en Guatemala, Arévalo, un candidato académico que a veces lee sus discursos y carece de las habilidades oratorias de sus rivales, no fue visto como una amenaza por el establishment hasta que logró pasar a la segunda vuelta.Hoy, con su aplastante victoria, Arévalo obtuvo más votos que cualquier otro candidato desde que se restauró la democracia en Guatemala en 1985.Ese es un escenario que incluso muchos miembros del propio partido de Arévalo no vieron venir.Simon Romero More

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      Elections in Ecuador and Guatemala: Four Takeaways

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      Outsiders overperformed, underscoring the volatility of Latin American politics. Candidates calling to emulate El Salvador’s crackdown on crime did not do well.Ecuador and Guatemala held elections on Sunday that shed light on crucial trends throughout Latin America, including anticorruption drives, the growing importance of young voters and calls to emulate El Salvador’s crackdown on crime.In Ecuador, where the assassination this month of the presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio cast a pall over campaigning, an establishment leftist, Luisa González, will head into a runoff against Daniel Noboa, the scion of a well-heeled family known for its banana empire.And in Guatemala, the progressive anti-graft crusader Bernardo Arévalo won in a landslide over a former first lady, Sandra Torres, dealing a blow to the country’s conservative political establishment.As concerns simmer over the erosion of the rule of law and the expanding sway of drug gangs in different parts of Latin America, the voting was watched closely for signs of what the outcomes could mean.Here are key takeaways.President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador has cracked down on gang violence, using mass arrests that swept up thousands of innocent people. Brittainy Newman for The New York TimesCrime wasn’t the only issue on voters’ minds.Ecuador and Guatemala each face an array of different challenges, and while it is hard to overstate the difficulty of governing effectively in both countries, new leaders will grapple with getting organized crime under control and creating economic opportunities to keep their citizens at home instead of emigrating.The star of the moment in Latin America’s political scene is El Salvador’s conservative populist president, Nayib Bukele, for his success in using hard-line tactics to quell gang violence, including mass arrests that swept up thousands of innocent people and the erosion of civil liberties. But expectations that enthusiasts for the Bukele gospel on crime would sail to victory fizzled in Ecuador and Guatemala.“It is notable that in neither case did unabashed admirers of Nayib Bukele’s hard-line policies against criminal gangs in El Salvador fare well,” said Michael Shifter, a senior fellow at the Inter-American Dialogue, a Washington-based research organization.Despite the shock over the assassination of Mr. Villavicencio, explicitly anti-crime candidates in Ecuador split their share of the votes. Jan Topic, who aligned himself closely with Mr. Bukele, fared poorly despite climbing in the polls after the assassination.“He did run a single-issue campaign that was very much focused around security,” Risa Grais-Targow, the Latin America director for Eurasia Group, said of Mr. Topic. “But voters have other concerns, including on the economy.”Similarly, in Guatemala — where fears were growing of a slide toward authoritarian rule — Ms. Torres’s pledge to put in place Bukele-style policies failed to gain much traction. Instead, the former first lady was put on the defensive by her rival because she had spent time under house arrest in connection to charges of illicit campaign financing.Also influencing the outcome: moves by Guatemala’s electoral authority to simply disqualify candidates who were viewed as threatening the established order.One of the candidates pushed out of the race ahead of the first round in June was Carlos Pineda, an outsider seeking to replicate Mr. Bukele’s crackdown on crime. When Mr. Pineda and others were disqualified, that provided an opening for Mr. Arévalo, another outsider, even though his proposals to fight crime are more nuanced.Guatemalan candidates tried to capitalize on the support of young people.Daniele Volpe for The New York TimesYoung voters shape elections.To a notable degree, the electoral outcomes in Ecuador and Guatemala hinged on the choices of young voters. In Ecuador, Mr. Noboa, 35, a businessman and newcomer to politics, was polling in the doldrums just a few weeks ago.But seizing on youth support while casting himself as an outsider, Mr. Noboa unexpectedly surged into the runoff with about 24 percent of the vote. (Name recognition may also have helped; his father, Álvaro Noboa, one of Ecuador’s richest men, ran unsuccessfully for president five times.)In Guatemala, Central America’s most populous country, Mr. Arévalo, 64, also capitalized on the support of young people, especially in cities, who were drawn to his calls to end the political persecution of human rights activists, environmentalists, journalists, prosecutors and judges.Mr. Arévalo also offered a more moderate stance on social issues. While saying he would not seek to legalize abortion or gay marriage, he made it clear that his government would not permit discrimination against people because of their sexual orientation.That position, which is somewhat novel in Guatemala, stood in sharp contrast to that of Ms. Torres, who drafted an evangelical pastor as her running mate and used an anti-gay slur on the campaign trail to refer to Mr. Arévalo’s supporters.Luisa González will head into a runoff against Daniel Noboa in Ecuador.Johanna Alarcón for The New York TimesThe left is going in different directions.Guatemala and Ecuador offered sharply contrasting visions for the left in Latin America.Indeed, within Guatemala’s traditionally conservative political landscape, Mr. Arévalo, who criticizes leftist governments like Nicaragua’s, is often described as a progressive. In that sense, he is more like Gabriel Boric, Chile’s moderate young president, than firebrands elsewhere in the region.Mr. Arévalo’s party, Movimiento Semilla (Seed Movement), which coalesced after anticorruption protests in 2015, is also unlike any other party in Guatemala in recent decades. Semilla gained attention for running a principled and austere campaign, making its funding sources clear, in contrast to the opaque financing prevailing in other parties. Another source of inspiration for Semilla is Uruguay’s Frente Amplio (Broad Front), a moderate, democratic left-of-center party.“Arévalo is a democrat through and through,” said Will Freeman, a fellow in Latin America studies at the Council on Foreign Relations.Ms. González, by contrast, hails from a different part of the Latin American left, characterized in Ecuador’s case by testing democratic checks and balances, Mr. Freeman said. She is a supporter of Rafael Correa, a former Ecuadorean president who remains a dominant force in the country’s politics despite being out of power for six years.Mr. Correa, who lives in Belgium after fleeing an eight-year prison sentence for campaign-finance violations, retains a strong base that oscillates between 20 percent and 30 percent of the electorate.That support is largely a result of the “nostalgia for that moment of well-being that existed during the Correa era,” said Caroline Ávila, a political analyst in Ecuador.Mr. Arévalo got more votes than any other candidate in Guatemala since democracy was restored in the country in 1985.Daniele Volpe for The New York TimesUnpredictability underlined the races.The races in both Ecuador and Guatemala highlighted a wider regional trend: the uncertainty and volatility of Latin America’s politics.Polls in both countries failed to capture crucial developments. In Ecuador, where Mr. Topic was seen capitalizing on the aftermath of the Villavicencio assassination, Mr. Noboa swooped in to make it to the runoff.And in Guatemala, Mr. Arévalo, a professorial candidate who sometimes reads his speeches and lacks the oratory skills of his rivals, was viewed as nonthreatening by the establishment — until he squeaked into the runoff.Now, with his landslide win, Mr. Arévalo got more votes than any other candidate since democracy was restored in Guatemala in 1985.That’s a scenario that even many within Mr. Arévalo’s own party did not see coming.Simon Romero More

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      Ecuador Elections Move to Runoff

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      Luisa González and Daniel Noboa were poised to be the top candidates of Sunday’s election in a country where declining security has been the leading issue for most voters.An establishment leftist and a newcomer businessman appeared to capture the top two spots in Ecuador’s presidential election on Sunday in a campaign cycle that has centered on voters’ frustration with the country’s soaring gang and drug cartel violence.Luisa González, who was backed by a former socialist president, and the political outsider Daniel Noboa received the highest percentage of ballots with 84 percent of the vote counted. They will compete in a runoff election on Oct. 15.The economy and security are likely to be the leading issues going into the runoff, as local prison and street gangs, along with foreign drug mafias, have unleashed a wave of violence unlike anything in the country’s recent history, sending homicide rates to record levels and hurting the vital tourism industry.Concerns over the declining security were amplified earlier this month when the presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio was assassinated on the campaign trail.Ms. González led the election, garnering 33 percent of the vote, with 84 percent counted, followed by Mr. Noboa, the unexpected second-place winner with 24 percent. Just a few weeks ago, Mr. Noboa was polling in single digits.Full official results were expected later on Sunday night.Ecuador also voted on Sunday to halt drilling in one of the most biodiverse corners of the Amazon in a victory for a decade-long fight by environmental activists to get the binding referendum in front of voters.Sunday’s first-round vote followed President Guillermo Lasso’s call for snap elections in May amid impeachment proceedings against him over accusations of embezzlement, as well as rising voter dissatisfaction over the nation’s security crisis.Ecuador, a country of 18 million, was once a tranquil haven compared with its neighbor Colombia, which for decades was ravaged by violence by armed guerrilla and paramilitary groups and drug cartels. As that changed in the past few years after Colombia forged a peace deal, the narco-trafficking industry grew increasingly powerful in Ecuador.Ms. González led the election, garnering 33 percent of the vote in early counting.Karen Toro/ReutersAmid news reports regularly featuring beheadings, car bombs, police assassinations, young men hanging from bridges and children gunned down outside their homes and schools, Ecuadoreans are hoping for new leadership that can restore the peaceful existence they once took for granted.The González-Noboa matchup means that “there’s still a strong, loyal base for Correísmo that’s enough to get González into the runoff,” said Risa Grais-Targow, the Latin America director for Eurasia Group, referring to the leftist movement of former President Rafael Correa, who governed from 2007 to 2017.But, she said, “there’s a large share of the population that really wants something completely different — they want a new face.”The surprise of the night was the second-place victory for Mr. Noboa, who was recently polling toward the bottom of the pool of eight candidates.“The youth opted for the Daniel Noboa option,” said Mr. Noboa in a news conference Sunday night. “It would not be the first time that a new proposal would turn around the electoral establishment,” he added, referring to himself.The 35-year-old comes from one of the richest families in Latin America, known to most Ecuadoreans for its banana empire. His father ran for president five times, unsuccessfully, but the younger Noboa’s political career goes back only to 2021, when he was elected to Ecuador’s Congress.“He has a voting base that is familiar with the Noboa brand, with the Noboa name, and that now has been very successfully energized, refreshed with a new face,” said Caroline Ávila, an Ecuadorean political analyst. “He captures the attention of young people, the main mass of undecided voters. They are the ones who are putting him in the second round.”Mr. Noboa’s campaign seemed to take off only a week ago, when he impressed many Ecuadoreans with his debate performance.“He stands out in the debate,” Ms. Ávila said. “He speaks well, he speaks fluently, without complicating himself too much, without fighting. And it has generated a lot of interest in these post-debate weeks.”As a legislator and member of the National Democratic Action Movement, Mr. Noboa supported bills to attract international investment and cut taxes, said Grace Jaramillo, an Ecuadorean professor of political science at the University of British Columbia.His policy proposals include pledges to create jobs, lower taxes, lower electricity bills and enter into more international free trade agreements.Daniel Noboa, a political outsider, was the unexpected second-place winner on Sunday.Dolores Ochoa/Associated Press“It’s a big surprise, especially in the fact that the debate did have an effect,” said Arturo Moscoso, Quito-based political scientist. But he added, “For many Ecuadoreans he is an unknown.”Mr. Noboa positioned himself as “the employment president,” even including an employment request form on his website, among other broad commitments to security and the economy. As a businessman and U.S. citizen who grew up in the United States, he is likely to favor American market-friendly interests, said Ms. Grais-Targow.While analysts predicted security to be the main issue in the election following the assassination, Mr. Noboa’s success shows that in a country where just 34 percent of Ecuadoreans have adequate employment, according to government data, the economy is still top of mind.One voter, Carlos Andrés Eras, 31, said he supported Mr. Noboa because he saw him as a well-prepared politician with clear proposals.“It is not improvised; he has been putting together his political project little by little,” said Mr. Eras, who owns a jewelry store in Guayaquil. “He concentrated on giving his points and answered what was raised in the question without attacking anyone.”Mr. Noboa came in just behind the leftist establishment candidate, Ms. González.Backed by the powerful party of Mr. Correa, the former president, Ms. González, 45, has appealed to voter nostalgia for the economic and security situation under the Correa administration, when homicide rates were low and a commodities boom helped lift millions out of poverty.“It is the first time in the history of Ecuador that a woman has obtained such a high percentage in the first round,” said Ms. González in her postelection speech. “We are going to have that homeland again with hope, with dignity, with security.”A soldier guarding a polling station in Quito, Ecuador, on Sunday.Carlos Noriega/Associated PressGermán Montoya, a voter and the owner of a plastic company in Guayaquil, Ecuador’s largest city, said extortion payments demanded by gangs were hurting his business and had pushed him to vote for Ms. González.“‘Mr. Montoya, I can’t go there, here, because they charge me a toll,’” he said his employees tell him. The trucks are charged $50 to make deliveries in different parts of Guayaquil, Mr. Montoya, 37, said.Jordy Gonzales, a 23-year-old construction worker, felt similarly. Mr. Correa’s party, he said, “did things right, and we are going to see if this time, if God allows it, it will be like before.”If Ms. González wins the election in October, it will show the staying power of Mr. Correa as a dominant political force in Ecuador despite being out of power for six years.He has lived in Belgium since he left office, fleeing an eight-year prison sentence for campaign-finance violations. But experts predict that in the event of a González victory, he would be likely to return to the country and try to seek office again before the next president’s tenure expires in May 2025.Beyond Sunday’s presidential election, Ecuadoreans also voted to end drilling in the Amazon, dealing a major blow to the government, which had been lobbying to continue oil operations.The section of jungle on the ballot, part of Yasuní National Park, is one of the most ecologically rich places on Earth and home to Indigenous people who want no contact with outsiders.The state oil company, Petroecuador, will have roughly a year and a half to wind up its operations in the area, though experts say shutting down the oil field could take six to 10 years.According to Andrés Martínez Moscoso, a law professor at the San Francisco de Quito University, neither the president, Congress nor a new referendum can undo Sunday’s results.The decision is “a very clear signal, especially to the international community, of the population’s desire to turn this extractive economy around,” said Ms. Ávila. It would also force future governments to think of “other ways of generating income that are not exclusively from oil.”Genevieve Glatsky More

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      Elecciones en Ecuador: Luisa González y Daniel Noboa a segunda vuelta

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      La candidata de la izquierda tradicional y un empresario relativamente nuevo en la política fueron los más votados en los comicios del domingo.Una candidata de la izquierda tradicional y un empresario neófito en la política parecen ser los dos candidatos más votados en la primera vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de Ecuador del domingo. Este ciclo electoral se ha centrado en la frustración de los votantes con la creciente violencia de las bandas y los carteles de la droga en el país.Luisa González, quien fue respaldada por un expresidente socialista, y el candidato outsider Daniel Noboa recibieron el mayor porcentaje de votos con el 84 por ciento de las actas escrutadas. Se enfrentarán en una segunda vuelta electoral el 15 de octubre.Todo parece indicar que la economía y la seguridad serán los temas principales de cara a la segunda vuelta, en un momento en el que bandas callejeras y de prisiones locales, junto con las mafias de la droga extranjeras, han desatado una ola de violencia inédita en la historia reciente del país, lo que ha incrementado las tasas de homicidio a niveles récord,afectando a la industria del turismo, un sector vital.Las preocupaciones por el aumento de la inseguridad se intensificaron a principios de este mes, cuando el candidato presidencial Fernando Villavicencio fue asesinado en plena campaña electoral.González lideró la votación, obteniendo el 33 por ciento de los votos, con el 84 por ciento de las actas escrutadas, seguida de Noboa, el inesperado segundo lugar, quien obtuvo el 24 por ciento. Hace solo unas semanas, Noboa aparecía con porcentajes de una sola cifra de respaldo en los sondeos.Los resultados oficiales completos se esperaban más tarde el domingo por la noche.Ecuador también votó el domingo para detener la extracción de petróleo en uno de los rincones con mayor biodiversidad de la Amazonía, una victoria de una década de esfuerzos de un grupo de activistas ambientales para hacer que una consulta popular fuera presentada a los votantes.La primera vuelta electoral del domingo respondió a la convocatoria a elecciones anticipadas que hizo en mayo el presidente Guillermo Lasso en medio de un proceso de destitución en su contra por acusaciones de malversación de fondos y a la creciente insatisfacción de los votantes por la crisis de seguridad nacional.Ecuador —un país de 18 millones de habitantes— solía ser un remanso de tranquilidad en comparación con la vecina Colombia, que durante décadas fue devastada por la violencia de grupos guerrilleros y paramilitares armados y carteles de la droga. A medida que eso cambió en los últimos años después de que Colombia forjara un acuerdo de paz, la industria del narcotráfico se volvió cada vez más poderosa en Ecuador.González lideró en los comicios con 33 por ciento de los votos en los primeros conteos.Karen Toro/ReutersEntre noticias que regularmente presentan decapitaciones, coches bomba, asesinatos de policías, jóvenes colgados de puentes y niños asesinados a tiros fuera de sus hogares y escuelas, los ecuatorianos esperan un nuevo liderazgo que pueda restaurar la convivencia pacífica que alguna vez dieron por sentado.Estos resultados que favorecieron a González y Noboa demuestran que “todavía existe una base fuerte y leal al correísmo suficiente como para hacer avanzar a González a la segunda vuelta”, dijo Risa Grais-Targow, directora para América Latina de Eurasia Group, un instituto de investigación, refiriéndose al movimiento de izquierda del expresidente Rafael Correa, quien gobernó de 2007 a 2017.Sin embargo, dijo que “existe una gran parte de la población que en realidad quiere algo completamente diferente. Quieren un nuevo rostro”.El segundo lugar, obtenido por Noboa, fue la sorpresa de la noche, ya que hasta hace solo unas semana las encuestas lo ubicaban en el fondo del grupo de ocho candidatos.“La juventud optó por la opción de Daniel Noboa”, dijo Noboa en una conferencia de prensa el domingo por la noche. “No sería la primera vez que una nueva propuesta le dé la vuelta al establishment electoral”, agregó, refiriéndose a sí mismo.El empresario de 35 años proviene de una de las familias más ricas de América Latina, conocida por la mayoría de los ecuatorianos por su imperio bananero. Su padre se postuló sin éxito cinco veces a la presidencia, pero la carrera política del joven Noboa apenas se remonta a 2021, cuando fue elegido para la Asamblea Nacional de Ecuador.“Tiene una votación que está familiarizada con la marca Noboa, con el apellido Noboa y que ahora ha sido muy exitosamente energizado, refrescado además con un rostro nuevo”, dijo Caroline Ávila, analista política ecuatoriana. “Captura la atención de los jóvenes, principal masa de votantes indecisos. Son ellos quienes le están colocando en la segunda vuelta”.Al parecer, la campaña de Noboa logró despegar apenas el domingo pasado, cuando impresionó a muchos ecuatorianos con su participación en el debate.“Descolla en el debate. Habla bien, habla de corrido, sin complicarse mucho, sin pelear”, dijo Ávila, la analista política. “Y ha generado mucho interés en estas semanas posdebate”.Como asambleísta y miembro del movimiento político Acción Democrática Nacional, Noboa respaldó leyes para atraer inversión internacional y reducir impuestos, afirmó Grace Jaramillo, profesora ecuatoriana de politología en la Universidad de Columbia Británica.​​Sus propuestas incluyen compromisos para crear empleos, reducir los impuestos, disminuir las tarifas eléctricas e impulsar más tratados internacionales de libre comercio.Daniel Noboa, un outsider político, obtuvo el inesperado segundo lugar el domingo.Dolores Ochoa/Associated Press“Es una gran sorpresa, sobre todo en el hecho de que el debate sí tuvo efectos”, dijo Arturo Moscoso, un politólogo radicado en Quito. Pero, agregó: “Para muchos ecuatorianos es una incógnita”.Noboa se presentó como el “presidente de empleo”, e incluso incluyó un formulario de solicitud de empleo en su página web, entre otras promesas más generales sobre la seguridad y la economía. Debido a que es empresario y un ciudadano estadounidense que creció en Estados Unidos, es muy probable que sea receptivo con los intereses favorables al mercado estadounidense, afirmó Grais-Targow.Aunque los analistas predecían que la seguridad sería el tema más importante en la elección tras el asesinato, el éxito de Noboa muestra que en un país donde solo el 34 por ciento de los ecuatorianos tiene un empleo adecuado, según información del gobierno, la economía sigue siendo un tema crucial.Carlos Andrés Eras, de 31 años, dijo que había votado por Noboa porque lo veía como un político bien preparado con propuestas claras.“No es un improvisado, el proyecto como político lo ha ido armando poco a poco”, dijo Eras, quien es dueño de una joyería en Guayaquil. “Se concentró en dar sus puntos y respondía lo que se planteaba en la pregunta sin atacar a nadie”.Noboa quedó en segundo lugar, muy cerca de la candidata de la izquierda tradicional, González.Respaldada por el poderoso partido de Correa, el expresidente, González, de 45 años, ha apelado a la nostalgia de los votantes por la situación económica y de seguridad bajo el gobierno de Correa, cuando las tasas de homicidios eran bajas y el auge de las materias primas ayudó a sacar a millones de personas de la pobreza.“Es la primera vez en la historia del Ecuador que una mujer saca tan alto porcentaje en primera vuelta”, dijo González en su discurso poselectoral. “Vamos a volver a tener esa patria con esperanza, con dignidad, con seguridad”.Un soldado custodiando un lugar de votación en Quito, Ecuador, el domingo.Carlos Noriega/Associated PressGermán Montoya, votante y propietario de una empresa de plásticos en Guayaquil, la ciudad más grande de Ecuador, dijo que los pagos de extorsión que exigen las bandas estaban perjudicando su negocio y lo habían empujado a votar por González.“‘Señor Montoya, no puedo ir para acá, para allá, porque me cobran un peaje’”, contó que le dicen sus empleados. A los camiones les cobran 50 dólares para hacer entregas en distintos lugares de Guayaquil, dijo Montoya, de 37 años.Jordy Gonzales, un albañil de 23 años, sentía algo similar. El partido de Correa, dijo, “hizo las cosas bien, y vamos a ver si esta vez, si Dios lo permite, vuelva a ser como antes”.Si González gana las elecciones en octubre, demostrará el poder de permanencia de Correa como una fuerza política dominante en Ecuador a pesar de haber estado fuera durante seis años.Correa ha vivido en Bélgica desde que dejó el cargo, huyendo de una sentencia de prisión de ocho años por violaciones al financiamiento de campañas. Sin embargo, los expertos predicen que, en caso de una victoria de González, probablemente regresaría al país y trataría de buscar la presidencia nuevamente cuando expire el próximo mandato presidencial en mayo de 2025.Ecuador también votó a favor de detener la extracción petrolera en uno de los rincones más biodiversos de la Amazonía, lo que significa un golpe para el gobierno, que había estado impulsando las operaciones petroleras. La zona de la selva incluida en la votación, la cual forma parte del Parque Nacional Yasuní, es uno de los lugares con más riqueza ecológica en el planeta y alberga comunidades indígenas que no desean contacto con extraños.La compañía estatal petrolera, Petroecuador, tendrá aproximadamente un año y medio para clausurar sus operaciones en la zona, aunque los expertos consideran que cerrar el campo petrolífero podría demorar de seis a 10 años. Según Andrés Martínez Moscoso, profesor de derecho en la Universidad San Francisco de Quito, ni el presidente, ni la Asamblea Nacional ni una nueva consulta popular pueden revertir los resultados del domingo.Según Caroline Ávila, analista política ecuatoriana, la decisión significaría “una señal muy clara, sobre todo a la comunidad internacional del deseo de la población de darle un giro a esta economía extractivista”. También obligará a futuros gobiernos “a pensar otros espacios, otras formas de generar ingresos que no sean exclusivamente del petróleo”.Genevieve Glatsky More

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      Guatemala’s Election: What to Know About the Candidates, Issues and Results

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      A former first lady and an anticorruption candidate are on the ballot in a runoff contest.Guatemala is holding a runoff presidential election on Sunday in which an anticorruption crusader is vying against a former first lady aligned with the country’s conservative political establishment to lead Central America’s most populous nation.The vote comes after a tumultuous first round in June, in which judicial leaders had barred several candidates viewed as threats to the country’s ruling elites.After the insurgent antigraft candidate Bernardo Arévalo unexpectedly advanced to the runoff, the election is emerging as a potential landmark moment in Central America’s largest country, both a leading source of migration to the United States and one of Washington’s longtime allies in the region.Guatemala’s fragile democracy, repeatedly plagued with governments engulfed in scandal, has gone from pioneering anticorruption strategies to shutting down such efforts and forcing judges and prosecutors to flee the country.Here’s what to know about Sunday’s vote.Why is this election important?The disqualifications of several contenders, rather than benefiting the establishment’s preferred candidates, opened a path for the anticorruption campaigner, Mr. Arévalo. His surprise showing in the June vote allowed him to advance to the runoff.Subsequent efforts to prevent him from running by a top prosecutor — whom the United States has placed on a list of corrupt officials — also backfired as they prompted calls from Guatemalan political figures across the ideological spectrum to allow Mr. Arévalo to remain in the race.Still, concerns have emerged that supporters of Sandra Torres, the former first lady running against him, could interfere with the voting, especially in rural areas — a worrisome possibility in a country where efforts to manipulate outcomes have marred previous elections.And while polls suggest that Mr. Arévalo could win in a landslide, the prosecutor, Rafael Curruchiche, in recent days resurrected his attempt to suspend Mr. Arévalo’s party.Citing what the prosecutor described as irregularities in the process of gathering signatures for creating the party, Mr. Curruchiche said that he could suspend the party after Sunday’s election and issue arrest warrants for some of its members.If Mr. Arévalo won, such a move would quickly weaken his ability to govern. He has campaigned against such tactics, casting attention on a judicial offensive that has compelled dozens of anticorruption prosecutors and judges to flee the country.Rafael Curruchiche, a prosecutor the United States has placed on a list of corrupt officials, has threatened to suspend Mr. Arévalo’s party.Johan Ordonez/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesWhat is the broader significance?The Biden administration, along with numerous Latin American governments, has urged Guatemalan officials not to manipulate the election’s outcome.The race has unfolded amid a crackdown by the current conservative administration targeting not only prosecutors and judges, but also nonprofits and journalists like José Rubén Zamora, the publisher of a leading newspaper, who was sentenced in June to up to six years in prison.While Guatemala’s president, the broadly unpopular leader Alejandro Giammattei, is prohibited by law from seeking re-election, concerns over a slide toward authoritarianism have grown more acute as he has expanded his sway over the country’s institutions.Who is Bernardo Arévalo?Bernardo Arévalo, 64, an intellectual, is the son of a Juan José Arévalo, a former president who is still exalted for creating Guatemala’s social security system and protecting free speech. After the former leader was forced into exile in the 1950s, Bernardo Arévalo was born in Uruguay and grew up in Venezuela, Chile and Mexico before returning to Guatemala as a teenager.A moderate who criticizes leftist governments like that of Nicaragua, Mr. Arévalo is nevertheless viewed in Guatemala’s conservative political landscape as the most progressive candidate to get this far since democracy was restored in 1985 after more than three decades of military rule.He has drawn much of his support from cities, and his party largely comprises urban professionals like university professors and engineers.He has made tackling corruption and impunity a centerpiece of his campaign. But he has distanced himself from rivals seeking to emulate a crackdown on gangs by the conservative president of neighboring El Salvador, Nayib Bukele, contending that Guatemala’s security challenges are different in size and scope, with gang activity concentrated in certain parts of the country. Mr. Arévalo is proposing to hire thousands of new police officers and upgrade security at prisons.Mr. Arévalo has vowed to alleviate poverty in Guatemala, one of Latin America’s most unequal countries, through a large job creation program aimed at upgrading roads and other infrastructure. He has also promised to ramp up agricultural production by providing low-interest loans to farmers.William López, 34, a teacher in Guatemala City who works at a call center, said he viewed Mr. Arévalo and his party, Movimiento Semilla (“Seed Movement”), as “an opportunity for profound change, since they’ve shown they don’t have skeletons in their closet.”Mr. Arévalo has made tackling corruption and impunity a centerpiece of his campaign.Daniele Volpe for The New York TimesWho is Sandra Torres?Sandra Torres, 67, is the former wife of Álvaro Colom, who was Guatemala’s president from 2008 to 2012 and who died in January at 71. She has repeatedly tried to win the presidency, including an attempt to become his successor: In 2011, she divorced Mr. Colom in an effort to get around a law that prohibits a president’s relatives from running for office.Although she was barred from running in that contest, she was the runner-up in the two most recent presidential elections. After the last one, in 2019, she was detained on charges of illicit campaign financing and spent time under house arrest. But a judge closed the case late last year, opening the way for her to run.On the campaign trail, she has drawn support from her party, National Unity of Hope, which is well established around Guatemala and has many local officials in office.She has expressed admiration for Mr. Bukele, the Salvadoran leader overseeing a crackdown on gangs. She also vowed to bolster food assistance and cash transfers for poor families, building on her time as first lady when she was the face of such popular programs.Ms. Torres is thought to be polling well among rural voters and people working in the informal sector.“I like her proposals to help poor people,” said Magdalena Sag, 30, a saleswoman who attended the closing event for Ms. Torres’s campaign. “Guatemala has a lot of unemployed people who need assistance.”Ms. Torres was the runner-up in the two most recent presidential elections in Guatemala.Daniele Volpe for The New York TimesWhat are the main issues?Infrastructure: Outside Guatemala City, the capital, the country is lacking in paved roads and other essential infrastructure. Both candidates have proposed to build thousands of miles of new roads and improve existing ones. Both have also vowed to build Guatemala City’s first subway line.Emigration: Guatemalans figure among the largest groups of migrants to the United States. Various factors fuel the emigration, including low economic opportunity, extortion, corruption among public officials and crime.Crime: Proposals to emulate El Salvador’s crackdown on gangs reflect simmering discontent with levels of violent crime in Guatemala. The number of homicides in Guatemala rose in 2022 for the second consecutive year after a relative lull during the pandemic.When are the results expected?Polls are open from 9 a.m. to 8 p.m. Eastern, with results expected within hours of polls closing.Given that neither of the two current candidates secured more than 20 percent of the vote in June, the runoff provides a chance for the winner to obtain a stamp of legitimacy. But the abstention rate, which was nearly 40 percent in the first round, will be closely watched by pro-democracy groups as a sign of broad disenchantment with Guatemala’s political system.The abstention rate on the first round of voting was nearly 40 percent, and neither candidate secured more than the 20 percent of votes needed to avoid a runoff.Daniele Volpe for The New York Times More