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    In Myanmar Coup, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Ends as Neither Democracy Hero nor Military Foil

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }Coup in MyanmarDaw Aung San Suu Kyi Is DetainedWhat We KnowPhotosWho Is Aung San Suu Kyi?AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyDemocracy Hero? Military Foil? Myanmar’s Leader Ends Up as NeitherThe army’s detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi brought an abrupt end to the theory that she might strike a workable balance between civilian and military power.A demonstration outside Myanmar’s embassy in Bangkok on Monday against the detainment of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.Credit…Adam Dean for The New York TimesFeb. 1, 2021Updated 7:20 p.m. ETIn the years Myanmar was cowed by a military junta, people would tuck away secret photos of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, talismans of the heroine of democracy who would save her country from a fearsome army even though she was under house arrest.But after she and her party won historic elections in 2015 and again last year by a landslide — cementing civilian government and her own popularity within Myanmar — Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi came to be viewed by the outside world as something altogether different: a fallen patron saint who had made a Faustian pact with the generals and no longer deserved her Nobel Peace Prize.In the end, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, 75, could not protect her people, nor could she placate the generals. On Monday, the military, which had ruled the country for nearly five decades, seized power again in a coup, cutting short the governance of her National League for Democracy after just five years.Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi was detained in a pre-dawn raid, along with her top ministers and a slew of pro-democracy figures. The rounding up of critics of the military continued into Monday night, and the nation’s telecommunications networks suffered constant interruptions.Across the country, government billboards still carried her image and that of her party’s fighting peacock. But the army, under commander in chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, was back in charge.The disappearance of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, who represented two entirely different archetypes to two different audiences, domestic and foreign, proved her inability to do what so many expected: form a political equipoise with the military with whom she shared power.Hundreds of police officers were deployed across Yangon, the country’s largest city and commercial capital.Credit…The New York TimesBy allowing negotiations with General Min Aung Hlaing to wither, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi had lost the military’s ear. And by defending the generals in their ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims, she lost the trust of an international community that had championed her for decades.“Aung San Suu Kyi rebuffed international critics by claiming she was not a human-rights activist but rather a politician. But the sad part is she hasn’t been very good at either,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch. “She failed a great moral test by covering up the military’s atrocities against the Rohingya. But the détente with the military never materialized, and her landslide election victory is now undone by a coup.”President Biden, in the first test of his reaction to a coup intended to upend a democratic election, issued a strongly worded statement that seemed designed to differentiate himself from the way his predecessor dealt with human rights issues.“In a democracy, force should never seek to overrule the will of the people or attempt to erase the outcome of a credible election,” he said, using language similar to what he said after the Jan. 6 siege on the U.S. Capitol that sought to overturn his own election. He called on nations to “come together in one voice” to press Myanmar’s military to immediately relinquish power.“The United States is taking note of those who stand with the people of Burma in this difficult hour,” he added, using the former name for Myanmar as it is still used by the U.S. government. More

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    ¿Qué está pasando en Birmania?

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }Coup in MyanmarDaw Aung San Suu Kyi Is DetainedWhat We KnowPhotosWho Is Aung San Suu Kyi?AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyGolpe de Estado en Birmania: esto es lo que sabemosLos militares de Birmania derrocaron al frágil gobierno democrático del país. Detuvieron a los líderes civiles, bloquearon el acceso a internet y suspendieron los vuelos.Un soldado hace guardia en una carretera bloqueada hacia el parlamento de Birmania en Naypyidaw el lunes, después de que los militares detuvieran a la lideresa del país, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, en un golpe de Estado.Credit…Agence France-Presse — Getty Images1 de febrero de 2021 a las 11:21 ETRead in EnglishLos militares de Birmania derrocaron el lunes al frágil gobierno democrático del país en un golpe de Estado, detuvieron a los líderes civiles, bloquearon el acceso a internet y suspendieron los vuelos.El golpe devuelve al país a un gobierno militar completo tras un breve periodo de cuasidemocracia que comenzó en 2011, cuando los militares, que estaban en el poder desde 1962, implementaron elecciones parlamentarias y otras reformas.Personas con protectores faciales, mascarillas y guantes de goma para evitar la propagación del coronavirus esperaban para votar durante las elecciones de noviembre en un colegio electoral de Yangon.Credit…Ye Aung Thu/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images¿Qué llevó al golpe militar en Birmania?El parlamento tenía previsto celebrar esta semana su primera sesión desde las elecciones del 8 de noviembre, en las que la Liga Nacional para la Democracia (LND), el principal partido civil del país, obtuvo el 83 por ciento de los escaños disponibles.Los militares se negaron a aceptar los resultados de la votación, que se consideró un referéndum sobre la popularidad de Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Ella, la jefa del LND, ha sido la lideresa civil de facto del país desde que asumió el cargo en 2015.Se esperaba que el nuevo parlamento refrendase los resultados electorales y aprobase el próximo gobierno.La posibilidad del golpe surgió en los últimos días. Los militares, que habían intentado argumentar ante la Corte Suprema del país que los resultados de las elecciones eran fraudulentos, amenazaron con “tomar medidas” y rodearon las cámaras del parlamento con soldados.La Radio y Televisión de Birmania retransmitiendo el anuncio hecho primero en la cadena de televisión Myawaddy, de propiedad militar.Credit…Radio y Televisión de Birmania vía Agence France-Presse — Getty Images¿Cómo se llevó a cabo el golpe?Los militares detuvieron el lunes a los líderes del partido gobernante, LND, y dirigentes civiles de Myanmar, incluidos Aung San Suu Kyi y el presidente U Win Myint, junto con los ministros del gabinete, los ministros jefes de varias regiones, políticos de la oposición, escritores y activistas.El golpe se anunció en el canal de televisión Myawaddy, de propiedad militar, cuando un presentador de noticias citó la Constitución de 2008, que permite a los militares declarar un estado de emergencia nacional. El estado de emergencia, dijo, se mantendría durante un año.Los militares tomaron rápidamente el control de las infraestructuras del país, suspendieron la mayoría de las emisiones de televisión y cancelaron todos los vuelos nacionales e internacionales, según los informes.Se suspendió el acceso al teléfono y a internet en las principales ciudades. El mercado de valores y los bancos comerciales estaban cerrados, y en algunos lugares se veían largas filas en los cajeros automáticos. En Rangún, la mayor ciudad del país y antigua capital, los residentes corrieron a los mercados para abastecerse de alimentos y otros suministros.Simpatizantes del partido Liga Nacional para la Democracia sostenían retratos de Aung San Suu Kyi en noviembre, cuando se celebraron las elecciones en Rangún.Credit…Sai Aung Main/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images¿Quién es Aung San Suu Kyi?Aung San Suu Kyi llegó al poder como consejera de Estado en 2016 tras la primera votación totalmente democrática del país en décadas.Su ascenso al liderazgo se consideró un momento crítico en la transición de Birmania a la democracia desde la dictadura militar. Aung San Suu Kyi, hija del héroe de la independencia del país, el general Aung San, pasó más de 15 años bajo arresto domiciliario.Su estancia en prisión la convirtió en un icono internacional, y fue galardonada con el Premio Nobel de la Paz en 1991.Desde su liberación, su reputación se ha visto empañada por su cooperación con los militares y su vociferante defensa de la mortífera campaña del país contra los rohinyás, un grupo étnico minoritario musulmán. En 2019, representó al país en un juicio en la Corte Internacional de Justicia, en el que defendió a Birmania de las acusaciones de limpieza étnica.Muchos creían que la cooperación de Aung San Suu Kyi con los militares era un movimiento pragmático que aceleraría la evolución del país hacia la plena democracia, pero su detención el lunes pareció demostrar la mentira en el compromiso de los militares con la democracia.El comandante en jefe Min Aung Hlaing el año pasadoCredit…Foto de consorcio de Ye Aung Thu¿Quién es el comandante en jefe Min Aung Hlaing?El ejército dijo que había entregado el poder al jefe del ejército, el comandante en jefe Min Aung Hlaing.Esta medida prolonga el poder del general Min Aung Hlaing, que se supone que dejará de ser jefe del ejército este verano. Su red de apoyos, centrada en lucrativos negocios familiares, podría haberse visto socavada por su jubilación, especialmente si no hubiera sido capaz de asegurar una salida limpia.Bajo el antiguo acuerdo de reparto de poder, el general Min Aung Hlaing presidía dos conglomerados empresariales y podía nombrar a tres miembros clave del gabinete que supervisan la policía y la guardia de fronteras.El ejército nunca estuvo bajo el control del gobierno civil. En los últimos años, el ejército, con el general Min Aung Hlaing al frente, ha supervisado campañas contra varios grupos étnicos minoritarios del país, como los rohinyá, los shan y los kokang.Russell Goldman es editor sénior de la sección internacional de The New York Times, se enfoca en la narración digital y las noticias de última hora, y vive en Hong Kong. Ha sido galardonado con el Premio a la Excelencia de la Sociedad de Editores de Asia. @goldmanrussellAdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    The West Must Help Myanmar Escape China’s Embrace

    On July 2, Myanmar became the only country in India’s immediate neighborhood to accuse China of interference in its internal affairs. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the commander-in-chief of the Tatmadaw or the combined armed forces of Myanmar, accused China of arming terrorist groups like the Arakan Army (AA) and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in an interview with Russian state-run TV channel Zvezda. He also sought international help to suppress them.

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    Min Aung Hlaing’s statement is telling. It reveals that China is putting unprecedented pressure on its neighbors in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It is important to note that Min Aung Hlaing praised China as an “eternal friend” during a visit to Beijing in 2019. He thanked China for its support and for countering international pressure on Myanmar over its treatment of Rohingya civilians, a Muslim minority in Rakhine State.  

    The senior general has turned on Beijing at a sensitive time. China is facing international criticism for the spread of the COVID-19 disease, its detainment of Uighur Muslims in the Xinjiang region and for its aggression toward its neighbors. Yet it could be seen as part of a longer pattern in Myanmar.

    Turning Away from China Not Easy

    More than 10 years ago, the then-ruling military junta decided to reduce Myanmar’s economic dependence on China. At the heart of this decision was the goal of reducing China’s excessive influence in Myanmar.

    When retired General Thein Sein was president from 2010 to 2015, he ushered in initiatives to repair relations with India, the West and ASEAN. At first, these initiatives led to increased international aid, but it was short-lived due to the military crackdown on the Rohingya insurgency in the Rakhine state. Myanmar has faced international condemnation, isolation and sanctions since. By 2017, the brief “honeymoon” was over and China was back to its old games, with the West losing its window of opportunity in Myanmar.

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    China has been known to support the United Wa State Army (UWSA). The UWSA is an armed force of an ethnic minority that runs an autonomous region with little interference from central authorities. As per the Asia Times, the “UWSA’s relationship with China is a pillar of its autonomy.” China uses the UWSA to exert leverage within Myanmar. It also benefits economically because minerals from the Wa area are exported across the border to China.

    The UWSA is one of the many insurance policies Beijing uses to retain its eminence in Myanmar. Today, it has cultivated the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel laureate who was once the darling of the West. She wants to reverse Thein Sein’s decision in 2011 to suspend work on the Myitsone dam. Beijing’s State Power Investment Corporation (SPIC) was supposed to build this $3.6-billion dam at the source of the Irrawaddy River.

    The Myitsone area is said to be the birthplace of the Kachin people, after whom the state is named. They have fought the Tatmadaw since 1962, making itis one of the longest civil wars for a resource-rich region. The Kachin oppose the dam because it could put large parts of their region under water and threaten their livelihoods. As the BBC reports, Suu Kyi “needs to establish prosperity and peace if she is to convince the Burmese people of the benefits of democracy.” The dam might provide irrigation and electricity, boosting the ruling NLD.

    Suu Kyi is turning to China because the West has abandoned her. The days when former US President Barack Obama visited Myanmar and kissed her cheek seem distant. The Rohingya crisis has been roundly criticized by Western media and brought allegations of genocide.

    Chinese President Xi Jinping has stepped into the vacuum and visited Myanmar earlier this year. China has been planning the China–Myanmar Economic Corridor (CEMC) as part of its Belt and Road Initiative. It includes infrastructure such as railways and a deep-sea port at Kyaukphyu on the Bay of Bengal. This port will help China avoid the more vulnerable Straits of Malacca, where it fears being choked off.

    The West Must Change Tack with Myanmar

    Since 1990, Western powers have imposed sanctions on Myanmar for a variety of reasons ranging from human rights violations to lack of democracy. At the same time, they rushed to engage with China despite the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre. Myanmar became an outcast even as China won investments, joint ventures and a red carpet welcome to the World Trade Organization.

    Unlike China, which has had no election for 75 years, Myanmar has held three major elections in 1990, 2010 and 2015. A fourth is due in October this year. Suu Kyi’s NLD has won the past three elections.

    When it comes to the treatment of minorities, China has been worse than Myanmar. Its treatment of Tibetans has been terrible and its persecution of Uighurs makes daily headlines. Therefore, Min Aung Hlaing’s revelation that China is championing the Rohingya — a majority of whom are now sheltering in Bangladesh — is deeply ironic. China is supporting the Arakan Army and the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army to destabilize Myanmar and win their support in the future. This policy of interference in Myanmar has implications for both India and Bangladesh. It is in keeping with the Chinese policy of destabilizing India’s northeast region.

    China’s strategy of destabilizing Myanmar even as it makes it an economic vassal has lessons for others. Western powers must provide Myanmar with much-needed investment. The Tatmadaw, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, clearly wants to avoid Chinese domination. Suu Kyi is also no natural ally of China. They have both been pushed into Chinese arms by Western intransigence. Along with investments, a security arrangement involving many countries such as India, Bangladesh and Western powers would help.

    Currently, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (or the Quad) is the best vehicle to guarantee Myanmar’s security. It must thwart the development of CMEC. Otherwise, the Chinese navy will be sitting on India’s doorstep and the Quad would lose strategic advantage in the Indian Ocean. India has already been strengthening its relationship with Myanmar under its “Look East” or “Act East” policy. The relationship has been on the upswing since 2010 and is set to improve further.

    Yangon is sensitive to India’s strategic and security concerns. India has shown the same degree of understanding. For India, Myanmar is the archway to ASEAN and the far east. With the Chinese causing mischief at its borders, Myanmar has increasing strategic importance for India.

    The West must join India in its constructive engagement with Myanmar. In the October elections, Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD is expected to win again. This victory could usher in an era of stability, economic progress and development. Myanmar’s civil and military leadership has no desire to embrace vassal status. It is up to the West to step up and give Myanmar a choice. With the Chinese menace rising by the day, failure to do so would be a historic blunder.

    The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy. More

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    Trump administration unveils expanded travel ban

    Nationals of Eritrea, Kyrgyzstan, Myanmar and Nigeria affected Separate move will stop ‘diversity visas’ for Sudan and Tanzania Demonstrators rally outside in Richmond, Virginia, on Wednesday where the US court of appeals will hear arguments against Donald Trump’s existing travel ban. Photograph: Steve Helber/AP The Trump administration is expanding the reach of its controversial travel […] More