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    The curious case of Princess Diana, the two fake bank statements, and a Panorama interview

    Imagine, if The Sun, the Daily Mail or The Mail on Sunday were accused of securing a soul-baring interview with a senior member of the royal family by using falsified documents. How great do you think the controversy would be? At the very least there would be questions raised in parliament, select committee hearings, and calls for a public inquiry, apologies and resignations.Martin Bashir, then the BBC’s Panorama reporter, faked two bank statements in the run-up to obtaining his sensational interview with Diana, the late Princess of Wales, in November 1995.The 25th anniversary of Diana telling the world via Bashir that she believed there were “three people in the marriage” in reference to her then husband Prince Charles’s relationship with Camilla Parker Bowles is upon us. This evening (11 October), Channel 5 is airing a documentary, Diana: The Interview That Shocked the World. I was interviewed for the programme because 25 years ago I was an investigative reporter on The Independent and I revealed some of lengths the then young and little-known Bashir had gone to in order to gain his scoop. More

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    Is Donald Trump a bully or bold protector? That depends on whom you ask | Arlie Hochschild

    It’s said that to every man with a hammer, the world looks like a nail. So it is, too, that to every bully, a conflict looks like a brawl, a debate looks like a shouting match and even a pandemic an occasion to “bully” the truth. And so it has proved with the president of the United States.As children, I would guess that both Donald Trump and Joe Biden were bullied, Trump by his demanding father and Biden by schoolmates for his stutter. If so, the two have dealt with their shared challenge in nearly opposite ways, with great consequences for the people each has become and for the nation faced with a choice between them.Most polls suggest that Biden will win the election, although none has really probed the effect of bullying in the recent TV debate – Trump’s doing it or Biden’s inadequate handling of it; nor the effect of Trump’s bluster since. But with the citizenry so stressed – by Covid-19, job losses, fires, floods, urban unrest and more – it’s important to ask what voters are looking for in a leader. Do some Americans actually want a bully?Many studies have shown that Republicans yearn for a “strong leader”, a “fighter”, and this may make them hesitant to condemn bullying. I came to know Sharon Galicia, a lively single mum and medical insurance saleswoman from Louisiana, while researching my 2016 book about the American right, Strangers in Their Own Land. “The man liberals see as an arrogant bully,” she told me, “conservatives see as Rocky Balboa.”Many good-hearted blue-collar voters with American flag decals on their pickups tune into Trump on a frequency that secular liberals cannot hear. Where most liberals hear bullying, Trump supporters hear: “I’m your guy. I do all I do for you and I deliver.” Where liberals hear an interrupter, many conservatives hear, when Trump speaks: “My enemies – the deep state, whistleblowers, impeachment-seekers, the mainstream media, the Democrats, Covid-19 critics – bully me. I suffer for you. Stand by me as I bully back.”A good leader also needs to be able to face and admit the existence of a national threat, as Biden hasTo bully someone is to seek to harm, intimidate or coerce another who’s perceived as vulnerable. As the National Center Against Bullying elaborates, there are many types of bullying. Reviewing them, we, especially liberals, can recall times when Trump has exemplified nearly all of them. There is physical bullying – tripping, kicking, hitting; remember his calls in 2016 to oust Black Lives Matter demonstrators in the “old-fashioned way” (with a show of fist in palm). There is verbal bullying – name-calling (Sleepy Joe, Crooked Hillary, Little Mario). There is mockery by imitation. Recall his laughing imitation of a disabled reporter, palsied arms and hands shaking. Then there is social bullying – showing contempt for someone’s social reputation (think of the Gold Star parents, Khizr and Ghazala Khan, ridiculed for the silence of the grieving mother).The wider consequences of this approach are huge. The way Trump works is to promote violence and then pose as the law-and-order answer to that violence. In the near absence of any other ways of managing social unrest arising from the death of George Floyd, and a steady refusal to disavow armed white supremacists, he has been “fanning the flames of hate”, in Biden’s words, and “recklessly encouraging violence” in Oregon and Michigan (where extremists plotted to kidnap the governor). “Stand back and stand by,” Trump told the Proud Boys, a militant far-right group, a phrase it soon emblazoned on its logo. Trump thus helps bring on the storm, then hands out Trump-branded umbrellas.When he ominously declares that the only fair election is one in which he himself wins, many fear that he plans to bully his way into a second term even while talking freely of a third. So, many now ask where the bullying stops and what it might take to stop it.With Biden, where do we look for evidence of strength to combat the president? As a child, he recalls when his father lost his job, money got tight and he was sent to live with grandparents. When his first wife and 13-month-old daughter died in a car accident, and, much later, his grown son Beau died of brain cancer, a steely but not-unfeeling resilience showed through again. Now that America is enduring a series of hits to its health, economy and soul, it may be just such resilience we need.But beyond resilience, a good leader also needs to be able to face and admit the existence of a national threat, as Biden has done. Although early in declaring himself a commander in the war on Covid-19, Trump did not fully face or tell his troops when or how the “enemy” was arriving. He said it might disappear “like magic”. He spoke before maskless crowds, routinely refused to wear one himself and, in one of his 128 debate interruptions, mocked Biden for the size of his mask. He encouraged citizens to flout their (Democratic) governors’ orders about precautions, as if there were no enemy at hand and as if it were a sissy thing to imagine that one existed. He issued too few boots and guns and, indeed, aimed his own fire at medical advisers.In short, and to continue with the martial imagery, Trump told troops to leave the battlefield while missiles whistled through the air. And some have recently hit home. Twenty lawmakers and 120 Capitol Hill workers, including 40 members of the US Capitol police, have been diagnosed with Covid-19. One staff member for a Republican congressman has died of Covid. But as if bullying did the trick, Trump stands by his statement to the American people: “Don’t be afraid of Covid.”As the nation faces the enormous challenges ahead – jobs, climate change, automation, racial justice, drug addiction, Covid-19 – the truth is that the bully’s hammer causes many more problems than it solves. Bullies do not solve such problems. Leaders do.• Arlie Hochschild is professor emerita in sociology at the University of California, Berkeley, and the author of Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right More

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    Inside Politics: Rishi Sunak set to reveal local furlough scheme for pub workers

    Have you tried the new government website for career switches? Some furloughed workers have been told to try their luck as stunt doubles. Boris Johnson must wish he could call upon a stand-in right now. The PM faces fury from northern leaders over looming lockdown measures, and pressure to finally decide whether to go for a Brexit trade deal. Fortunately, Johnson has hired a mouthpiece to stand in for him at press conferences, the former TV journo Allegra Stratton. Unfortunately, she doesn’t start for another month – so the PM will have to explain any political stunts all by himself for a little while longer.
    Inside the bubbleOur political editor Andrew Woodock on what to look out for today: More

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    Inside Politics: Boris Johnson preparing to close pubs in parts of England

    The more things change, the more they stay the same. Donald Trump’s critics think he is suffering from a bout of “roid rage” – after he fumed incessantly on Twitter about Clinton, Obama and the fake news media. But how is Trump on steroids any different to regular Trump? Our own political meltdowns have a distinct feeling of déjà vu too. Boris Johnson is said to be ready to walk away from Brexit talks unless he gets what he wants. And the PM appears ready to follow rules laid out in Scotland, once again, by closing all pubs in the worst-hit parts of England.
    Inside the bubbleOur policy correspondent Jon Stone on what to look out for today: More

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    Inside Politics: UK will be ‘world leader’ in wind, claims Boris Johnson

    Boris Johnson wants us to “go to the cinema” and save Britain’s movie theatres. Trouble is, there aren’t any films to see. It looks like James Bond may have mortally wounded the business after No Time To Die was pushed back to the spring. The PM has a licence to thrill today when he makes his big Conservative conference speech. The Tory faithful want to hear the man of action they voted for. But the coronavirus has left Johnson shaken, rather than stirred, and the faithful may have to put up with dark warnings about more things pushed back to the spring.Inside the bubbleChief political commentator John Rentoul on what to look out for today: More

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    Welcome to Flatland, where shallow appeal ousts substance and reason | Kenan Malik

    Four international art galleries decide to “postpone” a controversial exhibition. Donald Trump and Joe Biden take part in what has aptly been called a “shitshow” of a presidential election debate. Celebrity activist Laurence Fox launches a political movement to reclaim “British values”. On the surface, these disparate events have nothing in common. However, that is also what they have in common – each shows how art and politics are now lived on the surface with little consideration of depth or meaning.The four galleries – Tate Modern in London, Washington’s National Gallery of Art, the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston and Houston’s Museum of Fine Arts – decided to postpone, until 2024, a long awaited show by the artist Philip Guston because the Black Lives Matter movement has shown the need for “the powerful message of social and racial justice that is at the centre of Philip Guston’s work… [to] be more clearly interpreted”.But why should the galleries do all the “interpreting”? Art, after all, is about engagement – the same painting, novel, play or film can have many readings. That’s one reason why art can be so thrilling. We live in a world, though, in which many insist that there can only be one way of interpreting contentious issues, whether racial justice or trans rights.The other side of the denial of independent interpretation is the tyranny of the literal: that what’s on the surface is all that matters, that the external form cannot be distinguished from deeper meaning. The problem with Guston’s paintings, for the show’s curators, seems to be that many depict the Klu Klux Klan in white hoods. Guston was unswervingly anti-racist – one of his works, The Studio, shows him painting in a hood, to illustrate what he saw as his own complicity in white supremacy. If any artist fits the current political mood, it’s Guston.Politicians today seem more interested in feeding the outrage machine than in illuminating debateHowever, the galleries seem to think it impossible for audiences to be able, without their aid, to tell the difference between racism and a critique of racism. So the cultural gatekeepers have taken it upon themselves both to interpret the paintings for us in the right way and to protect us from being upset or discomfited.A world in which we fetishise surface appearance, in which people cannot be trusted with their own interpretations and in which we fear being offended or unsettled, leads also to the spectacle that was the US presidential election debate. It was less a forum for politics than a form of real-life trolling.The character of the debate was clearly shaped by Trump’s needs and his insistence on dragging politics into the gutter. But it also exposed in a particularly extreme form an aspect of politics that extends well beyond Trump. Politicians today seem too often to be more interested in feeding the outrage machine than in illuminating debate, preferring slogans to reasoned argument, dismissing scrutiny as “partisanship” and treating truth as if it were a form of entertainment.And then we have Laurence Fox’s Reclaim, “a new political movement that promises to make our future a shared endeavour, not a divisive one”, the seeming opposite of the Trump approach. It has apparently already received £5m in funding.A political movement, though, needs, well, politics. And on this, we have so far heard nothing. Where does Reclaim stand on the question of “offshoring” asylum seekers? On whether people should be fined for breaking self-isolation rules? On how far we should be able to offend others? More

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    The Observer view on Donald Trump's coronavirus infection | Observer editorial

    Donald Trump’s infection has given another dramatic twist to an already tumultuous and perilous US election year. The president’s illness is a significant personal blow. Hopefully, both he and the first lady will recover quickly. The fact Trump has succumbed to a disease he spent many months downplaying and dismissing is also a serious political setback. It raises basic questions about his judgment as well as his health with less than a month remaining before the 3 November poll.Impartial observers may say that Trump’s very human misfortune in catching a virus that has killed more than a million people worldwide, including 208,000 Americans, should not adversely affect his political prospects. But such generosity of spirit ignores the harshly subjective realities of the Trump era. Ever since he emerged as a candidate for national office, it has been all but impossible to separate the personal from the political. That’s primarily because Trump invariably makes everything about him.Trump has used the multimillion-dollar personal fortune he inherited from his father to relentlessly boost his political profile. His business ventures are routinely branded with his name. He demands personal credit for almost anything positive that happens in Washington. And when his political actions as president are criticised, Trump, his ego affronted, invariably takes it personally. A recurring theme in his speeches and tweets is a self-centred grievance over perceived unfair treatment.His persistently reckless conduct over Covid-19 will incur an unavoidably high political priceTo ask that Trump’s outspoken, damaging and dangerous denialism about the threat the virus poses should not now colour the way voters regard him, or affect the way opponents react, is to ask too much. Sympathy for his personal plight will certainly grow, the more so if his condition deteriorates. But his persistently reckless conduct over Covid-19 will incur an unavoidably high political price. Trump must now face the consequences of his actions in a way that, during the course of a highly privileged life, he rarely has.Thanks to his illness, the pandemic he sought to wish away now heads the election agenda. His record, stretching back to the arrival of the disease in the US last winter, is being endlessly re-examined and replayed. It was Trump, not his more cautiously responsible Democrat rival, Joe Biden, who declared in January that “we have it totally under control”. It was Trump who likened it to ordinary flu and predicted that “one day, it’s like a miracle, it will disappear”.Trump has since claimed he played down the pandemic to avoid panic. But what seemed to panic him most was the thought it might harm his re-election chances. He failed to develop a national testing strategy, passed the buck to underfunded and unprotected states and cities, undermined scientific advice and public messaging, promoted quack cures, such as injecting bleach, and mocked crucial social distancing and mask-wearing measures. However ill he is, this saga of lethal incompetence cannot be glossed over.As late as last Tuesday evening, while debating with Biden face to face when he himself may have been infectious, Trump continued to mock the Democrat for taking sensible precautions, as if mask wearing somehow compromised his manhood. “Trump is now in the position of becoming Exhibit No1 for the failure of his leadership on coronavirus,” said Democratic pollster Geoff Garin. “It’s hard to imagine this doesn’t end his hopes of re-election,” said Rob Stutzman, a Republican consultant.For all that his opponents may wish it, that latter verdict sounds premature. Other major issues – the economy, racial justice, a Supreme Court replacement for Ruth Bader Ginsburg – will continue to influence voter choices. And while Trump has been a prime source of misinformation about Covid-19, a new Axios/Ipsos survey found that, on this subject, more than two-thirds of Americans do not trust anyone in the federal government.Trump may portray a reprieve as proof of his contention that the Covid-19 threat is overratedIf Trump can ride out the infection in hospital, overcome potentially negative factors such as his age (74) and his obesity, and emerge from quarantine within 10 days or so, it’s conceivable he could again turn the personal to political advantage. Boris Johnson briefly managed this trick in Britain after he left intensive care in April. In such a case, Trump may portray a reprieve as proof of his contention that the Covid-19 threat is overrated.If, on the other hand, Trump’s illness gets worse or is prolonged, the United States, and the world, will enter uncharted waters. His campaign plans are already on hold. It is probable the next debate with Biden, due on 15 October, will be postponed. In theory at least, Trump could be unable to continue as the Republican candidate. In extremis, the vice-president, Mike Pence, might take his place in the Oval Office.It’s important that Trump recovers, not least for the much-challenged integrity of the electoral process. It’s important that he be called to account at the ballot box and, it’s hoped, be defeated by an indisputably large margin. For it is America’s recovery, not his, that is ultimately most important of all. The American people must, and surely will, find a peaceful, healthy, and constitutional way through this dark crisis year for US democracy. This can only be achieved if all work together. E pluribus unum – out of the many, one. More

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    Boris Johnson sends best wishes to Donald and Melania Trump after Covid-19 diagnosis – video

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    Boris Johnson has wished Donald and Melania Trump a ‘strong recovery’, hours after the US president revealed he and his wife had tested positive for coronavirus
    Trump and first lady Melania test positive for coronavirus
    Prayers and criticism as public figures react to Trump Covid news

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