Elections

Chris Christie’s presidential announcement at a June town hall at Saint Anselm College in New Hampshire may not have had the drama of, say, a “West Wing” episode, but it did help clarify our current political moment and its most intriguing character. For over two hours — you could turn it into a mini-series — Mr. Christie, a former New Jersey governor and federal prosecutor, built a case against Donald Trump. To nominate him for the presidency again, Mr. Christie said, would be a moral and political disaster. “Trump made us smaller,” Mr. Christie told his audience as he prowled the stage, explaining that he wanted to go after Mr. Trump for two reasons: “One, he deserves it. And two, it’s the way to win.”It’s a bold premise, but more sound than it might seem. Almost any pollster will tell you that Mr. Trump’s support is soft once you look beyond the MAGA base. A CNN poll conducted in late August found that 44 percent of Republican or Republican-leaning independents said they were seriously worried that Mr. Trump’s legal issues could impair his ability to win the general election. Mr. Christie is the only candidate speaking directly, specifically to this fear. A separate poll found that almost a third of Republican voters who intend to support Mr. Trump said they might still change their minds based on what happens in the months leading up to the first votes being cast.But in national surveys, Mr. Christie is still polling in the low single digits. Mr. Trump, meanwhile, looks increasingly inevitable as the Republican nominee. Even in New Hampshire, a state where moderate voters hold outsize influence, Mr. Christie is languishing in fourth place, at just 9 percent in the polls. Why isn’t his message resonating?There are the obvious explanations: Mr. Trump has advantages as a former president, and his legal troubles have given him an excuse to present himself as an outsider, persecuted by the powers that be; Mr. Christie, meanwhile, is competing in a crowded field, packed with other candidates desperate for the same voters. But there is something deeper at work here, and it holds clues about what it would take to attack Mr. Trump successfully. Because while Mr. Christie may sound like the perfect Trump nemesis — pugnacious, outspoken, loud — he is a uniquely flawed foil for the former president, compromised in ways that blunt his most effective attacks. And though Mr. Christie’s journey through Republican politics is especially colorful — he is from New Jersey, after all — most of the other candidates are running up against similar problems as they struggle to maneuver through a political landscape forever changed by Mr. Trump.We are having trouble retrieving the article content.Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.We are confirming your access to this article, this will take just a moment. However, if you are using Reader mode please log in, subscribe, or exit Reader mode since we are unable to verify access in that state.Confirming article access.If you are a subscriber, please More

When it comes to Congress, Americans have come to expect a certain baseline of dysfunction. But I think most of us can agree that the current House Republican majority is something special. Overthrowing a speaker for the first time in history. Rejecting multiple nominees to replace him. Members publicly trashing one another. One faction’s supporters threatening opposing members.And so here we languish, with the government’s most basic functions held hostage by a conference divided over everything from ideological differences to petty personal slights: Candidate X broke his promise! Candidate Y ignores me! Candidate Z never votes for my bills! It’s like watching a pack of middle-schoolers hopped up on hormones and Skittles.To help make sense of this dark farce, it is useful to dig into the warring factions that have already destroyed the speaker dreams of multiple colleagues. Boiling down the action so far: A tiny gaggle of eight Republicans, mostly hard-right extremists, took down Kevin McCarthy. Then a larger group of hard-liners quashed the candidacy of Steve Scalise, the majority leader, before it even came up for a floor vote, with an eye toward elevating one of their own, the chronically belligerent Jim Jordan. But a coalition of moderates, institutionalists and members who just can’t stomach Mr. Jordan struck back, voting him down again and again and again — and again, if you count Friday’s closed-conference ballot effectively stripping him of the nomination.The Republicans Who Blocked Jordan and McCarthy From the SpeakershipAcross four votes in the House, both conservative and moderate Republican holdouts ousted Kevin McCarthy and denied Jim Jordan the speaker’s gavel. The colored dots show where those holdouts fall on the ideological spectrum, based on their voting records. More

With a speaker fight in the House, concerns about an aging Senate leader and a 2024 front-runner who has the party in a vise grip, some G.O.P. members worry the turmoil could have long-term effects.Kevin McCarthy, the ousted speaker, was making his way through the Capitol when reporters asked what he thought of the chaos consuming House Republicans, who for nearly three weeks have been trying and failing to replace him.His answer veered into the existential. “We are,” he said on Friday, “in a very bad place right now.”That might be an understatement.In the House, Republicans are casting about for a new leader, mired in an internecine battle marked by screaming, cursing and a fresh flood of candidates. In the Senate, their party is led by Senator Mitch McConnell, who spent weeks arguing that he remained physically and mentally fit enough for the position after freezing midsentence in two public appearances. And on the 2024 campaign trail, the dominant front-runner, Donald J. Trump, faces 91 felony charges across four cases, creating a drumbeat of legal news that often overwhelms any of his party’s political messages.As national Democrats largely stand behind President Biden and his agenda — more united than in years — Republicans are divided, directionless and effectively leaderless.For years, Mr. Trump has domineered Republican politics, with a reach that could end careers, create new political stars and upend the party’s long-held ideology on issues like trade, China and federal spending. He remains the party’s nominal leader, capturing a majority of G.O.P. voters in national polling and holding a double-digit lead in early voting states.And yet his commanding position has turned Republicans into a party of one, demanding absolute loyalty to Mr. Trump and his personal feuds and pet causes, such as his false claims that the 2020 election was stolen. The result is an endless loop of chaos that even some Republicans say once again threatens to define the party’s brand heading into an election in which Republicans — after struggling to meet the basic responsibilities of governing the House of Representatives — will ask voters to also put them in charge of the Senate and the White House.“This looks like a group of 11th graders trying to pick the junior class president, and it will hurt our party long term,” said former Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey, who is challenging Mr. Trump for the party nomination. “It’s going to be very hard to make the case that the American people should turn over control of the government to Republicans when you can’t even elect a speaker.”In recent months, the former president has focused more on his own legal peril than on his party. Flouting pressure from the Republican National Committee, Mr. Trump has largely opted out of some of the party’s biggest moments. He skipped the first two Republican primary debates for his own events and plans to skip the third, forgoing a chance to present his party’s message to an audience of millions.And he has largely taken a hands-off approach to the fight over the House speakership. Nine months ago, he helped install Mr. McCarthy as speaker. But he did not come to Mr. McCarthy’s rescue this fall when Representative Matt Gaetz led the charge to oust him. He then endorsed Representative Jim Jordan, who has failed to win enough support.Political parties out of power typically lack a strong leader. In 2016, Mr. Trump’s election plunged Democrats into years of ideological battles between a restive liberal wing and a more moderate establishment. But what’s less typical — and perhaps more politically damaging, some Republicans said — is the drawn-out, televised turmoil putting the internal dysfunction on public display.“It’s kind of a captainless pirate ship right now — a Black Pearl with no Jack Sparrow,” said Ralph Reed, a prominent social conservative leader, who argued that the issues would eventually be resolved. “But on the bright side, we will have a speaker at some point.”“These Republicans are complete idiots,” Ann Coulter, the conservative commentator, said on a radio program last week.Mr. McConnell all but threw up his hands in interviews on the Sunday talk shows. “It’s a problem,” he said on “Face the Nation” on CBS. “We’re going to do our job and hope the House can get functional here sometime soon.”And The Wall Street Journal editorial board, long a bastion of establishment Republican thought, wrote more than a week into the drama: “As the current mess in choosing another House Speaker shows, never underestimate the ability of Republicans to commit electoral suicide.”Most frustrating to some Republicans is the fact that the messy battle is largely symbolic. Democrats control the Senate and the White House, meaning that whoever becomes speaker has little chance of making their agenda into law.Still, there could be real-world political implications. As Republicans battled one another, Mr. Biden focused on an actual war. He spent much of last week building support for Israel, with a wartime visit and an Oval Office prime-time appeal for $105 billion in aid to help Israel and Ukraine — funds that face an uncertain future in a House frozen by infighting.It’s a split screen Democrats are more than happy to highlight.“The president of the United States, a Democrat, gave the strongest pro-Israel speech, at least since Harry Truman, maybe in American history,” said Representative Jake Auchincloss, a moderate Democrat from Massachusetts. “The division is on the Republican side of the aisle, where they are so fractured they can’t even elect a leader of their conference.”Mike DuHaime, a veteran Republican strategist who is advising Mr. Christie, said the inability to pick a speaker was a “new low” for Republican governance. “If you don’t have the presidency there is no clear leader of the party,” he said. “That’s natural. What’s unnatural here is that we can’t run our own caucus.”But others say that Mr. Trump, along with social media and conservative media, has turned the very incentive structure of the party upside down. With a broad swath of the conservative base firmly behind the former president, there may be little political cost in causing chaos. The eight Republicans who voted to oust Mr. McCarthy, for example, are likely to face no backlash for plunging the party into disarray. As their message is amplified across conservative media, they’re more likely to see their political stars rise, with a boost in fund-raising and attention.“What’s happening is you have people who don’t want to be led, but also want to engineer a situation where they can be betrayed and use that to rail against leadership,” said Liam Donovan, a Republican strategist and former National Republican Senatorial Committee aide.Some Republicans doubt the incident will have a lasting impact. In the summer, the party will pick a nominee at its national convention, and that person will become Republicans’ new standard-bearer.Nicole McCleskey, a Republican pollster, said the messy dust-up in the House would be forgotten by next November’s elections, washed away as just another moment of broken government amid near-record lows for voters’ trust in Congress.“People are used to Washington dysfunction, and this is just another episode,” she said. “It’s Republicans and Democrats, and they’re all dysfunctional. For voters, it’s just further evidence that Washington can’t address their problems.” More

The South Carolina senator and 2024 presidential candidate said a “longer process” was needed to determine how much aid to send to Ukraine, while Israel demanded immediate attention.Senator Tim Scott of South Carolina said on Sunday that he would not support a request from President Biden to package aid for Israel, Ukraine and Taiwan and funding for border security, even though he has endorsed U.S. spending for each of those purposes.“I believe that leveraging the challenges in the war with Israel to get more assistance for Ukraine at that level of $60 billion is too much, and we need to have a single focus on bringing Congress together behind the support for Israel,” Mr. Scott, a 2024 Republican candidate, said on “This Week” on ABC News.At first, he indicated that his objection was mainly to the possibility of delaying aid to Israel by combining it with funding on which Congress is more divided. He said that he believed aid to Israel alone “would pass overnight,” and that a “splintered” package would be harder to pass.But when the interviewer, Jonathan Karl, asked whether he would actually vote against the package if it came to the Senate floor, Mr. Scott said he would.“I will in the current construct,” he said, adding that a “longer process” was needed to debate how much aid to send to Ukraine. “Israel is at the beginning of a long, protracted war,” he said. “I think we are much better off, better served as a nation, focusing our resources and our attention immediately on Israel, and continuing to provide the kind of level of accountability and responsibility the American people want to see as it relates to the resources for Ukraine.”His campaign did not elaborate on his comments, and pointed to a CNN interview in which he said largely the same thing, criticizing the package for including “more money for Ukraine than it does for Israel.”The request that Mr. Biden submitted to Congress on Friday included about $61 billion for Ukraine; $14 billion for Israel; $7 billion for Taiwan and other Indo-Pacific allies; $9 billion for humanitarian aid in Ukraine, Israel and Gaza; and $14 billion for border security in the United States.Mr. Scott is not the only Republican to object to putting those pieces in one package, an effort by the Biden administration to pressure lawmakers who oppose funding Ukraine to support the proposal in the interest of funding Israel, and vice versa.Vivek Ramaswamy, another Republican presidential candidate, denounced the proposal at a campaign event in Iowa on Saturday. Mr. Ramaswamy has long opposed aid to Ukraine, and he said at the event that Israel’s military objectives in Gaza were unclear and that helping Israel would risk a broader conflict in the Middle East.But Mr. Scott’s rejection of the package is notable because he is on the record as supporting every component.He has been one of the most outspoken Republican candidates in favor of helping Ukraine repel Russia’s invasion: He accused Mr. Biden last year of “waiting too long to provide too little support,” and he has described a Ukrainian victory as a matter of American interest, arguing that it would discourage a Russian incursion into NATO territory that would pull the United States into a wider war. He has endorsed sending weapons to Taiwan. And, in the same interview on Sunday in which he rejected the package, he called for funding to secure the southern border of the United States.Almost the entire Republican presidential field has endorsed military aid to Israel, but the candidates are divided on aid to Ukraine: In addition to Mr. Ramaswamy, former President Donald J. Trump and Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida have said they want to cut it. Only a few, though, have voiced their positions on Mr. Biden’s proposal.Among them is former Vice President Mike Pence, who told NBC News on Sunday that he supported aid for Israel and Ukraine “together or separately.” More

Ten opposition candidates are running to face off against President Nicolás Maduro next year. A center-right former legislator, María Corina Machado, is widely expected to win.One million Venezuelans headed to the polls on Sunday to elect an opposition candidate to face President Nicolás Maduro in presidential elections in 2024, a contest that could prove pivotal to the fate of a country that has endured a decade of economic crisis and authoritarian governance.Mr. Maduro came to power in 2013, after the death of Hugo Chávez, the founder of the country’s socialist-inspired revolution. Under Mr. Maduro, Venezuela, once among the richest countries in Latin America, has undergone an extraordinary economic collapse, leading to a humanitarian crisis that has sent more than seven million people fleeing.But the Maduro government and the opposition signed an agreement on Tuesday meant to move toward free and fair elections, including allowing the opposition to choose a candidate for next year’s presidential contest.Sunday’s election, however, will take place with no official government support. Instead, the vote is being organized by civil society, with polling stations in homes, parks and the offices of opposition parties.The leading candidate is María Corina Machado, a center-right former legislator, who has declared herself the country’s best shot yet at ousting the socialist-inspired government that has governed since 1999.Here is what you need to know about Sunday’s election:How are relations between Venezuela and the United States?The United States for years has leveled sanctions on some Venezuelan leaders, but the Trump administration significantly tightened them in 2019, after an election that was widely viewed as fraudulent, in which Mr. Maduro claimed victory.Mr. Maduro has long sought the lifting of the sanctions, which have strangled the economy, while the United States and its allies in the Venezuelan opposition have wanted Mr. Maduro to allow competitive elections that could give his political opponents a legitimate chance at winning.President Nicolás Maduro, with President Gustavo Petro of Colombia last year, has sought the lifting of economic sanctions.Federico Rios for The New York TimesThe past week has seen the most significant softening of relations between Venezuela and the United States in years.Venezuela’s authoritarian government has agreed to accept Venezuelan migrants deported from the United States, signed an agreement with opposition leaders devised to move toward a free and fair presidential election, and released five political prisoners.In exchange, the United States has agreed to lift some economic sanctions on Venezuela’s oil industry, a vital source of income for the Maduro government.What effect does the easing of sanctions have?The sanctions relief announced this past week allows Venezuela’s state-owned oil company to export oil and gas to the United States for six months. For the past few years, the Venezuelan government has been exporting oil to China and other countries at a significant discount.While the move is expected to be a significant boon to Venezuela’s public finances, analysts said that poor infrastructure and a reluctance by some outside investors to quickly enter the Venezuelan market present significant challenges.What is driving these developments?Among the factors driving this flurry of new policies is Venezuela’s increased geopolitical importance.The South American country is home to the largest proved oil reserves in the world, and there is growing U.S. interest in those reserves amid concern over a broader conflict in the Middle East and the war in Ukraine, which has threatened access to global oil supplies.Venezuela is home to the largest proved oil reserves in the world. Adriana Loureiro Fernandez for The New York TimesWhile it would take years for Venezuela’s hobbled oil industry infrastructure to recover, the country’s petroleum reserves could be crucial in the future.The Biden administration is also increasingly interested in improving the economic situation in Venezuela to try to stem the surges of Venezuelan migrants seeking to reach the United States.Could this election really lead to a change in Venezuela’s leadership?Experts are skeptical that Mr. Maduro will willingly give up power, or allow elections to take place if there is a chance he might not win.His government is being investigated by the International Criminal Court for possible crimes against humanity, and the United States has set a $15 million reward for his arrest to face drug trafficking charges. Leaving office could mean lengthy jail terms for Mr. Maduro and his associates.So despite the significance of the recent announcements, some analysts worry that Mr. Maduro is playing both the opposition and the U.S. government, and could ultimately end up with everything he seeks: relief from the sanctions; at least some international recognition for his bow toward fair elections; and a victory next year that allows him to retain power.The United States has tried to prevent that from happening by making clear that the sanctions could be reinstated at any time.But some analysts say that could be difficult if companies take advantage of the sanctions relief and start investing in Venezuela. If that happens, it might be hard to put the sanctions back in place.Who is María Corina Machado, the leading candidate?Ms. Machado is a veteran politician nicknamed “the iron lady” because of her adversarial relationship with the governments of Mr. Maduro and Mr. Chávez. She is viewed by some supporters as courageous for staying in the country when many other politicians have fled political persecution.Her proposals to open up the free market and reduce the role of the state have earned her a loyal base across social classes.Ms. Machado’s adversarial relationship with Mr. Maduro and his predecessor, Hugo Chavez, have earned her the nickname “the iron lady.” Adriana Loureiro Fernandez for The New York TimesBut as she has promoted her candidacy, Ms. Machado’s campaign has been plagued by violence and government surveillance.She has been beaten by people holding Maduro signs, and had animal blood thrown at her at one rally at which The New York Times was present. She has been followed by military intelligence police, and she bypasses police roadblocks by riding on the motorcycles of her supporters.Could Ms. Machado actually win the presidency?Polls suggest that Ms. Machado is likely to win the primary, which has 10 candidates.The group of contenders, who represent a spectrum of ideological views, includes former governors, activists, professors and lawyers, though none seems to have broken through enough to pose a serious challenge to Ms. Machado.But the biggest question is whether Ms. Machado, assuming she wins, will be able to participate in the general election.Mr. Maduro’s government has banned Ms. Machado from running for office for 15 years, claiming that she did not complete her declaration of assets and income when she was a legislator. These types of disqualifications are a common tactic used by Mr. Maduro to keep strong competitors off ballots.Despite an agreement this week to move toward competitive election conditions, the Maduro government has shown little indication that it will allow Ms. Machado to run.The Biden administration has made clear that it expects Mr. Maduro to reinstate banned candidates or face the restoration of sanctions.If Ms. Machado is not allowed to run in 2024, the opposition could put forward another candidate. But it is unclear whether Ms. Machado would willingly step aside, and if the opposition would rally around a single new candidate or split the vote, essentially handing Mr. Maduro the election. More

Los argentinos votan este domingo para determinar si elegirán a Javier Milei, un economista libertario, quien ha sido llamado un ‘mini Trump’, como el nuevo líder de la nación.Este domingo, los argentinos se dirigen a las urnas para elegir a un nuevo presidente que pueda sacar al país de 46 millones de habitantes de su peor crisis económica en décadas, y sus opciones están entre dos políticos tradicionales y un economista libertario de ultraderecha que acepta con beneplácito las comparaciones con Donald Trump.El economista, Javier Milei, ha liderado las encuestas desde que ganó las elecciones primarias de Argentina en agosto, pero su dominio del debate nacional tiene un margen mucho mayor.Milei, un excomentarista de televisión que cumplió 53 años el domingo, ha recibido una cobertura periodística casi general en Argentina y trastocó la contienda presidencial con una campaña impetuosa y desde una postura de outsider centrada en sus propuestas radicales de eliminar el banco central de Argentina y abandonar su moneda en favor del dólar estadounidense.A continuación, lo que hay que saber sobre las elecciones de este domingo.La deprimente economía argentina es una de las principales fuentes de preocupación de los votantes. El estilo impetuoso y poco convencional de Javier Milei lo ha hecho particularmente popular entre la juventud argentina.Sarah Pabst para The New York TimesLa deprimente economía del país es uno de los temas principalesLas propuestas de Milei han obtenido el respaldo de millones de argentinos porque el país ha estado lidiando con una inflación de tres dígitos durante casi un año, con precios que en la actualidad se incrementan un 138 por ciento anual, mientras el valor del peso argentino se desploma. En abril de 2020, al inicio de la pandemia, con un dólar se compraban 80 pesos, utilizando un tipo de cambio no oficial basado en la percepción que el mercado tiene de la moneda. En algún momento de la semana pasada, con un dólar valía más de 1000 pesos.Sin embargo, a muchos economistas les preocupa que las teorías económicas libertarias de Milei, que tienen poco historial de aplicación en el mundo real, puedan en su lugar infligir un daño aún mayor en una economía ya de por sí frágil, la cual es además una de las más grandes de América Latina.Emmanuel Alvarez Agis, exviceministro de Economía de Argentina durante un gobierno de izquierda, afirmó que las propuestas económicas de Milei serían una especie de experimento. “Y nosotros seríamos los ratones”, añadió. “Nosotros, los 46 millones de habitantes”.Para millones de argentinos, Milei representa un quiebre emocionante —aunque poco ortodoxo— de los políticos y las políticas que no han funcionado. Pero para muchos otros votantes y funcionarios, la retórica combativa de Milei, su cuestionamiento de la ciencia y sus primeras acusaciones sobre fraude electoral son preocupantes.Javier Milei se enfrenta a Sergio Massa, un economista de centroizquierda y ministro de Economía de Argentina.Tomas Cuesta/Getty Images¿Quiénes son los otros candidatos?Milei se enfrenta, entre otros candidatos, a Sergio Massa, ministro de Economía de centroizquierda, y a Patricia Bullrich, exministra de Seguridad de derecha.Massa, de 51 años, representa al partido peronista en el poder, el cual ha liderado a Argentina durante 16 de los últimos 20 años y es responsable de gran parte de la mala gestión económica que ha sumido a la nación en un foso financiero profundo. Massa se ha disculpado por el manejo de la economía por parte de su partido y ha prometido estabilizar la situación como presidente, a través de la inversión en industrias locales y la expansión de la producción de energía.Su partido peronista —liderado en las últimas décadas por los expresidentes de Argentina Néstor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner— tiene una base leal y firme de seguidores, lo que ha ayudado a que Massa esté en segundo lugar en las encuestas más recientes, pero también ha atraído una fuerte oposición en todo el país tras una serie de escándalos de corrupción y crisis económicas.Ese sentimiento antiperonista ha creado una enorme oportunidad para un candidato de derecha este año. Pero hasta el momento, Milei y Bullrich han dividido esos votos.En la contienda presidencial también se encuentra Patricia Bullrich, exministra de Seguridad de derecha.Marcos Brindicci/Getty ImagesBullrich, de 67 años, ha buscado posicionarse como una especie de candidata con sentido común, la cual impulsaría políticas fiscalmente conservadoras que son mucho menos radicales que las de Milei. Bullrich quiere recortar el gasto, prohibir al banco central imprimir más dinero para financiar deudas y simplificar el sistema tributario. Bullrich también ha respaldado un sistema monetario en el que el peso y el dólar “convivan”.Según las encuestas, ambos candidatos parecieran estar luchando para llegar a una segunda vuelta contra Milei el próximo mes, mientras que Milei espera ganar las elecciones directamente el domingo. Si ningún candidato recibe al menos el 45 por ciento de los votos, o el 40 por ciento con un margen de victoria de 10 puntos, los dos primeros lugares se enfrentarán el 19 de noviembre.Cajas de boletas de votación apiladas en un depósito del servicio postal en Buenos Aires. Milei ha denunciado haber sido víctima de fraude electoral en las elecciones primarias, pero no ha aportado pruebas.Luis Robayo/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesLas acusaciones de fraude electoral han entrado en el debate de las votacionesMilei ya ha dado indicios de que si no gana el domingo podría alegar que hubo fraude electoral, al igual que lo hizo en las elecciones primarias.En los últimos días, Milei y su equipo de campaña han declarado una vez más que le robaron hasta cinco por ciento de los votos en las elecciones primarias porque las boletas de su partido fueron robadas de algunos establecimientos de votación, las cuales son necesarias para poder emitir un voto a su favor.Las autoridades electorales no recibieron una denuncia formal. Tanto la Cámara Nacional Electoral como la Dirección Nacional Electoral declararon que no hubo evidencia de algún fraude sistemático en las elecciones primarias.En una entrevista, Marcos Schiavi, titular de la Dirección Nacional Electoral, calificó las denuncias de fraude de Milei como algo “inverosímil y desatinado”. Añadió: “Los planteos se dan solamente de una fuerza política, cuando en la elección hay cinco” partidos que compiten por la presidencia.Ningún otro partido ha denunciado fraude, y Argentina, que celebra 40 años de democracia tras el final de una dictadura militar, ha tenido durante décadas elecciones en buena medida tranquilas.El viernes, un fiscal federal abrió una investigación oficial a partir de los comentarios públicos de Milei y pidió que el partido del candidato presentara evidencia. En respuesta, la campaña de Milei aseguró que pronto enviaría lo que llamo evidencia de fraude, incluidos videos de redes sociales que muestran boletas destruidas o descartadas, así como un clip en el que supuestos operativos peronistas dicen que pretenden “hacer desaparecer las boletas de Milei”.El equipo de campaña de Milei declaró que había reclutado a más de 105.000 voluntarios de las redes sociales para que monitoreen los establecimientos de votación el domingo, en busca de alguna señal de fraude. Este tipo de observadores electorales son usuales en Argentina, y otros partidos también los utilizarán.Franco Antunez, un influente de YouTube, viajó con Milei este mes a un evento de campaña en el que el candidato blandió una motosierra como una metáfora de los cortes profundos que quiere hacer en el gobierno argentino.Sarah Pabst para The New York Times¿Cómo influye Trump en la contienda?Milei ha generado comparaciones con Trump y Jair Bolsonaro, el expresidente de Brasil, quienes impulsaron denuncias falsas de fraudes electorales tras perder la reelección.Si bien Milei tiene una inclinación económica más libertaria, su estilo político belicoso se parece al de Trump y al de Bolsonaro, incluidos sus duros ataques contra la prensa, sus rivales y líderes extranjeros.También ha hecho un llamado a una desregulación del mercado legal de armas y ha cuestionado la ciencia detrás del cambio climático, el cual dijo forma parte de la “agenda socialista” en una entrevista con el expresentador de Fox News Tucker Carlson.El movimiento mundial de extrema derecha se presentó con firmeza en Argentina el fin de semana electoral para apoyar a Milei, entre ellos, representantes de partidos de ultraderecha de Brasil, Chile, España y Francia.Milei también ha llamado la atención por su personalidad excéntrica. Sus simpatizantes le han puesto el apodo de “el Peluca” por su corte de cabello revoltoso (otra similitud con Trump) y han apoyado su amor por sus cinco perros mastines clonados, cuatro de los cuales llevan nombres de economistas conservadores.Su estilo impetuoso y poco convencional ha sido particularmente popular entre la juventud argentina, en parte debido al intenso enfoque de su campaña en las redes sociales para llegar a los votantes. Ese trabajo ha sido realizado en gran medida por un grupo de influentes de internet en edad universitaria, a los que no se les paga y que viajan con Milei para publicar videos de él desde todo el país.Franco Antunez, un influente de YouTube de 21 años con 216.000 seguidores, viajó con Milei este mes a un evento de campaña en el noroeste montañoso de Argentina, en el que el candidato blandió una motosierra como una metáfora de los cortes profundos que quiere hacer en el gobierno argentino.Este tipo de maniobras, junto con su retórica a veces profana contra las élites y la clase política, lo han convertido en el candidato “cool” entre los jóvenes argentinos, dijo Antunez. “Es algo exótico”, dijo Antunez. “Che, este chabón es cool. Es un rockstar, el chabón acá, con una motosierra”.En su evento de cierre de campaña realizado el jueves, Bullrich dijo que Milei era más bien peligroso. “Escúchenme bien las mamás y los papás, para que hablen con sus hijos”, dijo. “Me preocupan las ideas de Milei”. More

Diez candidatos de la oposición se están postulando para enfrentarse al presidente Nicolás Maduro en 2024. Se espera que María Corina Machado, una exdiputada, gane la contienda.Este domingo, se espera que un millón de venezolanos acudan a las urnas para elegir a un candidato de la oposición que se enfrente al presidente Nicolás Maduro en las elecciones presidenciales de 2024, una votación que podría ser crucial para el destino de un país que ha sufrido una década de crisis económica y autoritarismo gubernamental.Maduro llegó al poder en 2013 tras la muerte de Hugo Chávez, el fundador de la revolución inspirada en el socialismo que gobierna el país. Bajo la gestión de Maduro, Venezuela, que solía ser uno de los países más ricos de América Latina, ha sufrido un extraordinario colapso económico, lo que generó una crisis humanitaria que ha hecho que más de siete millones de personas huyan del país.Pero el martes, el gobierno de Maduro y la oposición firmaron un acuerdo diseñado para avanzar hacia unas elecciones libres y justas, lo que incluye permitirle a la oposición elegir un candidato para las elecciones presidenciales del próximo año.Sin embargo, las elecciones del domingo se realizarán sin apoyo gubernamental oficial. En su lugar, el proceso está siendo organizado por la sociedad civil, que instalará centros de votación en casas, parques y en las sedes de los partidos de oposición.La candidata que lidera las encuestas es María Corina Machado, una exdiputada de centroderecha, quien se ha autoproclamado como la mejor oportunidad del país hasta el momento para derrocar al gobierno de inspiración socialista que ha tenido el control del país desde 1999.A continuación, presentamos lo que hay que saber sobre las elecciones del domingo:¿Cómo están las relaciones entre Venezuela y Estados Unidos?Durante años, Estados Unidos ha venido implementando sanciones a algunos líderes venezolanos, pero el gobierno de Donald Trump las endureció de forma significativa en 2019, tras unas elecciones que fueron ampliamente percibidas como fraudulentas, en las que Maduro se declaró ganador.Desde hace tiempo, Maduro ha buscado el levantamiento de las sanciones que han asfixiado la economía, mientras que Estados Unidos y sus aliados en la oposición venezolana han querido que Maduro permita unas elecciones competitivas que pueda brindarles a sus rivales políticos una oportunidad legítima de ganar.El presidente Nicolás Maduro, con el mandatario colombiano, Gustavo Petro, el año pasado, han buscado el levantamiento de las sanciones económicas.Federico Rios para The New York TimesLa semana pasada se produjo el acercamiento más significativo de las relaciones entre Venezuela y Estados Unidos en años.El gobierno autoritario de Venezuela acordó aceptar a los migrantes venezolanos deportados desde Estados Unidos, firmó un acuerdo con los líderes de la oposición diseñado para avanzar hacia unas elecciones presidenciales libres y justas, y liberó a cinco presos políticos.A cambio, Estados Unidos acordó levantar algunas sanciones económicas impuestas a la industria petrolera de Venezuela, una vital fuente de ingresos para el gobierno de Maduro.¿Qué efecto tiene la flexibilización de las sanciones?El levantamiento de las sanciones anunciado esta semana le permite a la compañía petrolera estatal venezolana exportar petróleo y gas a Estados Unidos durante seis meses. Durante los últimos años, el gobierno venezolano había estado exportando petróleo a China y otros países con un descuento significativo.Si bien se espera que la medida sea de gran ayuda para las finanzas públicas de Venezuela, los analistas afirmaron que la infraestructura deficiente y la renuencia de algunos inversores externos a ingresar rápidamente al mercado venezolano presentan desafíos importantes.¿Qué impulsa estos avances?Entre los factores que impulsan esta oleada de nuevas políticas se encuentra el incremento de la importancia geopolítica de Venezuela.El país sudamericano tiene las mayores reservas comprobadas de petróleo del mundo, y existe un creciente interés de Estados Unidos en esas reservas en medio de la preocupación por un conflicto más amplio en el Medio Oriente y la guerra en Ucrania, las cuales han amenazado el acceso a los suministros mundiales de petróleo.Venezuela tiene las mayores reservas comprobadas de petróleo del mundo.Adriana Loureiro Fernandez para The New York TimesAunque se necesitarán años para que la mermada infraestructura de la industria petrolera de Venezuela se recupere, las reservas de petróleo del país podrían ser cruciales en el futuro.El gobierno de Biden también está cada vez más interesado en mejorar la situación económica en Venezuela para intentar mitigar el flujo de migrantes venezolanos que intentan cruzar a Estados Unidos.¿Podrían estas elecciones realmente conducir a un cambio en el liderazgo de Venezuela?Los expertos se muestran escépticos ante la posibilidad de que Maduro renuncie al poder de forma voluntaria, o de que permita que se celebren elecciones si existe la posibilidad de que no las gane.Su gobierno está siendo investigado por la Corte Penal Internacional por posibles crímenes de lesa humanidad, y Estados Unidos ha fijado una recompensa de 15 millones de dólares por su arresto para enfrentar cargos de tráfico de drogas. Abandonar la presidencia podría traducirse en largas condenas de cárcel para Maduro y sus asociados.Así que a pesar de la relevancia de los anuncios recientes, a algunos analistas les preocupa que Maduro esté jugando tanto con la oposición como con el gobierno de Estados Unidos, y que pueda al final terminar con todo lo que busca: flexibilización de las sanciones; al menos cierto reconocimiento internacional por su disposición hacia elecciones justas; y una victoria el año que viene que le permita retener el poder.Estados Unidos ha intentado prevenir que suceda eso dejando bien en claro que las sanciones pueden ser restituidas en cualquier momento.Sin embargo, algunos analistas afirmaron que eso podría ser difícil si las compañías se aprovechan del levantamiento de las sanciones y comienzan a invertir en Venezuela. Si eso sucede, podría ser complicado volver a instaurar las sanciones.¿Quién es María Corina Machado, la candidata líder?Machado es una política veterana que tiene el apodo de “la dama de hierro” debido a su relación adversa con los gobiernos de Maduro y Chávez. Es percibida por algunos simpatizantes como una persona valiente por permanecer en el país cuando muchos otros políticos han huido para evadir la persecución política.Sus propuestas de apertura al libre mercado y de reducir el rol del Estado le han hecho ganar una base leal de seguidores por diferentes clases sociales.La relación de confrontación de María Corina Machado con el presidente Nicolás Maduro y su predecesor, Hugo Chávez, le han valido el apodo de “la dama de hierro”.Adriana Loureiro Fernandez para The New York TimesPero durante la promoción de su candidatura, la campaña de Machado ha estado plagada de violencia y vigilancia gubernamental.Machado ha sido golpeada por personas que portaban carteles de Maduro y en un mitin en el que estuvo presente The New York Times le arrojaron sangre de animal. Ha sido seguida por la policía de inteligencia militar y suele sortear los controles policiales viajando en las motocicletas de sus simpatizantes.¿Podría Machado realmente ganar la presidencia?Las encuestas sugieren que Machado probablemente ganará las primarias, la cual tiene un total de 10 candidatos.El grupo de contendientes, los cuales representan una gama de diversas visiones ideológicas, incluye exgobernadores, activistas, profesores y abogados, aunque ninguno parece haber logrado avances suficientes como para representar una amenaza seria para Machado.Sin embargo, la pregunta más importante es si Machado, asumiendo que gane el domingo, será capaz de participar en las elecciones presidenciales de 2024.El gobierno de Maduro le ha prohibido a Machado postularse a la presidencia por 15 años, alegando que no completó su declaración de activos e ingresos cuando fue diputada. Este tipo de inhabilitaciones son una táctica común utilizada por Maduro para mantener a competidores fuertes fuera de las boletas de votación.A pesar de un acuerdo esta semana para avanzar hacia condiciones electorales competitivas, el gobierno de Maduro ha mostrado pocas señales de que permitirá que Machado se postule.El gobierno de Biden ha dejado claro que espera que Maduro restituya a los candidatos inhabilitados o se enfrente al restablecimiento de las sanciones.Si a Machado no le permiten postularse a la presidencia en 2024, la oposición podría presentar a otro candidato. Pero no se sabe con certeza si Machado saldría del proceso voluntariamente, si la oposición apoyaría a un solo nuevo candidato o si dividiría el apoyo, lo que en esencia le entregaría a Maduro las elecciones en bandeja de plata. More

Argentines will vote on Sunday on whether to elect Javier Milei, a far-right libertarian economist who has been called a “mini-Trump,” as the nation’s new leader.Argentines head to the polls on Sunday to pick a new president to lead the nation of 46 million out of its worst economic crisis in decades, choosing between two establishment politicians and a far-right libertarian economist who embraces comparisons to Donald J. Trump.The economist, Javier Milei, has led the polls since winning Argentina’s open primary election in August, but he has dominated the national conversation by an even greater margin.Mr. Milei, a former television pundit who turned 53 on Sunday, has received nearly blanket media coverage in Argentina and upended the race with a brash, outsider campaign centered on his radical proposals to eliminate Argentina’s central bank and ditch its currency for the U.S. dollar.Here’s what else you need to know about Sunday’s election.Argentina’s dismal economy is a main source of voter worry. Mr. Milei’s brash, offbeat style has made him particularly popular with Argentina’s youth.Sarah Pabst for The New York TimesThe country’s dismal economy is a top issue.Mr. Milei’s proposals have gained traction with millions of Argentines because the country has been grappling with triple-digit inflation for nearly a year, with prices now rising 138 percent annually, while the value of the Argentine peso plummets. In April 2020, at the start of the pandemic, $1 bought 80 pesos, using an unofficial rate based on the market’s view of the currency. Last week, $1 bought more than 1,000 pesos.Yet many economists worry that Mr. Milei’s libertarian economic theories, which have little history of real-world application, could instead inflict even more damage on an already fragile economy, one of Latin America’s largest.Emmanuel Alvarez Agis, Argentina’s former deputy minister of the economy under a leftist government, said Mr. Milei’s economic proposals would be a sort of experiment. “And we would be the mouse,” he added. “Forty-six million of us.”To millions of Argentines, Mr. Milei represents an exciting — if an unorthodox — break from policies and politicians that have not been working. But to many other voters and officials, Mr. Milei’s combative rhetoric, his questioning of science and his early claims of voter fraud are worrisome.Mr. Milei is facing off against Sergio Massa, a center-left economist and Argentina’s minister of the economy.Tomas Cuesta/Getty ImagesWho are the other candidates?Mr. Milei is facing off against Sergio Massa, Argentina’s center-left minister of the economy, and Patricia Bullrich, a right-wing former security minister.Mr. Massa, 51, represents the incumbent Peronist party, which has led Argentina for 16 of the last 20 years and is responsible for much of the economic mismanagement that has led the nation into such a deep financial hole. Mr. Massa has taken to apologizing for his party’s handling of the economy and promised to stabilize the situation as president by investing in local industries and expanding energy production.His Peronist party — led in recent decades by Argentina’s leftist former presidents, Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner — has a fiercely loyal base, helping Mr. Massa place second in most recent polls, but it has also drawn strong opposition across the nation after a string of corruption scandals and economic crises.That anti-Peronist sentiment has created a wide opening for a right-wing candidate this year. So far, Mr. Milei and Ms. Bullrich have split that vote.Also in the running for president is Patricia Bullrich, a right-wing former security minister. Marcos Brindicci/Getty ImagesMs. Bullrich, 67, has aimed to position herself as a sort of common-sense candidate who would push fiscally conservative policies that are less radical than Mr. Milei’s. She wants to cut spending, prohibit the central bank from printing more money to finance debts, and simplify the tax system. She also has backed a currency scheme in which the peso and dollar “coexist.”Both candidates appear to be battling to make a runoff against Mr. Milei next month, according to polls, while Mr. Milei is hoping to win the election outright on Sunday. If no candidate receives at least 45 percent of the vote, or 40 percent with a 10-point margin of victory, the top two finishers will face off on Nov. 19.Ballot boxes stacked at a postal service warehouse in Buenos Aires. Mr. Milei has claimed electoral fraud in the primary vote, but has provided no evidence.Luis Robayo/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesVoter fraud accusations have entered the election conversation.Mr. Milei has already signaled that if he does not win on Sunday, he could claim voter fraud, as he did in the primary elections.In recent days, Mr. Milei and his campaign have again said that he was robbed of up to 5 percent of the votes in the primary election because his party’s ballots were stolen from some polling stations, which are needed to cast a vote for him.Election authorities said they never received a formal complaint. Both Argentina’s electoral court and the separate national elections agency said that there was no evidence of systematic fraud in the primary elections.In an interview, Marcos Schiavi, the elections agency chief, called the fraud claims “implausible and out of place.” He added, “These issues are only being put forth by one political party when there are five” parties competing for the presidency.No other party has alleged fraud, and Argentina, which is celebrating its 40th anniversary of democracy since the end of a military dictatorship, has had largely smooth elections for decades.On Friday, a federal prosecutor opened an official investigation based on Mr. Milei’s public comments and called on Mr. Milei’s party to present evidence. In response, his campaign said it would soon send what it said was evidence of fraud, including videos from social media that showed destroyed or discarded ballots, as well as a clip of apparent Peronist operatives saying they aimed to “make Milei’s ballots disappear.”Mr. Milei’s campaign said it had recruited more than 105,000 volunteers from social media to monitor polling stations on Sunday for any sign of fraud. Such poll monitors are common in Argentina, and other parties will also use them.Franco Antunez, a YouTube influencer, traveled with Mr. Milei this month to a campaign event where the candidate wielded a chain saw as a metaphor for the deep cuts he wants to make in the Argentine government.Sarah Pabst for The New York TimesHow Trump factors into the race.Mr. Milei has drawn comparisons to Mr. Trump and Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil’s former president, both of whom pushed false claims of fraud after losing re-election.While Mr. Milei has a more libertarian bent economically, his bellicose political style resembles those of Mr. Trump and Mr. Bolsonaro, with harsh attacks against the press, his rivals and foreign leaders. He has also called for looser gun regulations and questioned the science behind climate change, calling it part of “the socialist agenda” in an interview with the former Fox News host Tucker Carlson.The global far-right movement showed up in force in Argentina over election weekend to support Mr. Milei, including representatives from far-right parties in Brazil, Chile, Spain and France.Mr. Milei has also attracted attention for his eccentric personality. His supporters have nicknamed him “The Wig” for his unruly hairdo (another echo of Mr. Trump) and embraced his love for his five cloned mastiff dogs, four of which are named for conservative economists.His brash, offbeat style has been particularly popular with Argentina’s youth, in part because of his campaign’s intense focus on social media to reach voters. Much of that work has been done by a group of unpaid, college age internet influencers who travel with Mr. Milei to post videos of him from across the nation.Franco Antunez, 21, a YouTube influencer with 216,000 followers, was traveling with Mr. Milei in Argentina’s mountainous northwest this month for a campaign event where Mr. Milei wielded a chain saw as a metaphor for the deep cuts he aims to inflict on the Argentine government.Such stunts, along with his sometimes profane rhetoric against elites and the political class, have made him the “cool” candidate among young Argentines, Mr. Antunez said. “He is something exotic,” Mr. Antunez said. “Hey, this dude is cool, he’s a rock star, this dude here with the chain saw.”Ms. Bullrich, in her closing campaign event on Thursday, said that instead Mr. Milei was dangerous. “Moms and dads, listen to me carefully, so you can talk to your children,” she said. “I’m worried about Milei’s ideas.” More