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      Rodolfo Hernández is Colombia’s Trump and He May Be Headed for the Presidential Palace

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      The Colombian establishment is lining up behind Rodolfo Hernández, a populist businessman with an incendiary streak, to defeat the leftist former rebel Gustavo Petro.BOGOTÁ, Colombia — Colombia’s political landscape has shifted remarkably in a matter of 24 hours.For months, pollsters predicted that Gustavo Petro, a former rebel-turned-senator making a bid to be the nation’s first leftist president, would head to a June presidential runoff against Federico Gutiérrez, a conservative establishment candidate who had argued that a vote for Mr. Petro amounted to “a leap into the void.’’Instead, on Sunday, voters gave the top two spots to Mr. Petro and Rodolfo Hernández, a former mayor and wealthy businessman with a populist, anti-corruption platform whose outsider status, incendiary statements and single-issue approach to politics have earned him comparisons to Donald Trump.The vote — for a leftist who has made a career assailing the conservative political class and for a relatively unknown candidate with no formal party backing — represented a repudiation of the conservative establishment that has governed Colombia for generations.But it also remade the political calculus for Mr. Petro. Now, it is Mr. Petro who is billing himself as the safe change, and Mr. Hernández as the dangerous leap into the void.“There are changes that are not changes,” Mr. Petro said at a campaign event on Sunday night, “they are suicides.”Mr. Hernández once called himself a follower of Adolf Hitler, has suggested combining major ministries to save money, and says that as president he plans to declare a state of emergency to deal with corruption, leading to fears that he could shut down Congress or suspend mayors.Still, Colombia’s right-wing establishment has begun lining up behind him, bringing many of their votes with them, and making a win for Mr. Petro look like an uphill climb.On Sunday, Mr. Gutiérrez, a former mayor of Medellín, the country’s second-largest city, threw his support behind Mr. Hernández, saying his intention was to “safeguard democracy.”But Fernando Posada, a political scientist, said the move was also the establishment right’s last-ditch effort to block Mr. Petro, whose plan to remake the Colombian economy “puts at risk many of the interests of the traditional political class.”“The Colombian right has reached such an extremely disastrous stage,” said Mr. Posada, “that they prefer a government that offers them nothing as long as it is not Petro.”Gustavo Petro, flanked by his wife Verónica Alcocer and vice-presidential candidate Francia Márquez at the end of the first round of presidential elections in Bogotá.Federico Rios for The New York TimesMr. Hernández, who had gained limited attention in most of the country until just a few weeks ago, is a one-time mayor of the mid-sized city of Bucaramanga in the northern part of the country. He made his fortune in construction, building low-income housing in the 1990s.At 77, Mr. Hernández built much of his support on TikTok, once slapped a city councilman on camera and recently told The Washington Post that he had a “messianic” effect on his supporters, who he compared to the “brainwashed” hijackers who destroyed the twin towers on 9/11.Pressed on whether such a comparison was problematic, he rejected the idea. “What I’m comparing is that after you get into that state, you don’t change your position. You don’t change it.”Until just a few days ago, Colombia’s political narrative seemed simple: For generations, politics had been dominated by a few wealthy families, and more recently, by a hard-line conservatism known as Uribismo, founded by the country’s powerful political kingmaker, former president Álvaro Uribe.But voter frustration with poverty, inequality and insecurity, which was exacerbated by the pandemic, along with a growing acceptance of the left following the country’s 2016 peace process with its largest rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, seemed to shift the dynamic.By 2022, Mr. Petro, long the combative face of the Colombian left, thought it was his moment. And in the months leading to the May 29 election, voters flocked to his proposals — a broad expansion of social programs, a halt to all new oil drilling in a country dependent on oil exports, and a focus on social justice.The story line was: left versus right, change versus continuity, the elite versus the rest of the country.But Mr. Hernández’s improbable rise reflects both a rejection of the conservative elite and of Mr. Petro.It also reveals that the narrative was never so simple.Mr. Hernández, who won 28 percent of the vote, has attracted a broad swath of voters eager for change who could never get on board with Mr. Petro.Mr. Petro is a former member of a rebel group called the M-19 in a country where rebels terrorized the population for decades. And he is a leftist in a nation that shares a border with Venezuela, a country plunged into a humanitarian crisis by authoritarians who claim the leftist banner.Mr. Hernández, with his fuzzy orange hair and businessman’s approach to politics, has also attracted voters who say they want someone with Trumpian ambition, and are not troubled if he is prone to tactlessness. (Years after saying he was a follower of Adolf Hitler, Mr. Hernández clarified that he meant to say he was a follower of Albert Einstein.)Federico Gutiérrez, a conservative establishment candidate, at a rally in Parques del Rio, this month.Nathalia Angarita for The New York TimesTwo of the country’s biggest issues are poverty and lack of opportunity, and Mr. Hernández appeals to people who say he can help them escape both.“I think that he looks at Colombia as a possibility of growth. And that’s how I think that he differs from the other candidates,” said Salvador Rizo, 26, a tech consultant in Medellín. “I think that the other candidates are watching a house that is on fire and they want to extinguish that fire and reveal the house. What I think the view of Rodolfo is: That there’s a house that can be a massive hotel in the future.”He has also been a relentless critic of corruption, a chronic issue that some Colombians call a cancer.Early on, he made a pledge not to take campaign money from private entities, and says he is funding his presidential bid himself.“Political people steal shamelessly,” said Álvaro Mejía, 29, who runs a solar energy company in Cali.He says he prefers Mr. Hernández to Mr. Petro, a longtime senator, precisely because of his lack of political experience.The question is whether Mr. Hernández will be able to maintain that outsider status in the weeks leading up to the runoff, as key political figures align themselves to his campaign.Just minutes after he won second place on Sunday, two powerful right-wing senators, María Fernanda Cabal and Paloma Valencia, pledged their support for him, and Mr. Posada predicted that others were likely to follow.Mr. Uribe, who backed Mr. Hernández’s run for mayor in 2015, is an increasingly polemic figure who turns off many Colombians. Mr. Posada predicted that he would not throw his weight behind Mr. Hernández, so as not to cost him voters.Former President Álvaro Uribe at the Supreme Court in Bogotá, in February.Juan Barreto/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesIf Mr. Hernández can walk that difficult line — courting the establishment’s votes without tarnishing his image — it could be difficult for Mr. Petro to beat him.Many political analysts believe that the roughly 8.5 million votes Mr. Petro got on Sunday is his ceiling, and that many of Mr. Gutiérrez’s five million votes will be added to the six million Mr. Hernández received.As the results became clear, Mr. Hernández’s supporters rushed to his campaign headquarters on one of the main avenues in Bogotá, the capital.Many wore bright yellow campaign T-shirts, hats and ponchos, which they said they’d bought themselves instead of being handed out free by the campaign, in keeping with Mr. Hernández’s cost-cutting principles.“I have never seen a person with characteristics like those of the engineer Rodolfo,” said Liliana Vargas, a 39-year old lawyer, using a common nickname for Mr. Hernández, who is a civil engineer. “He is a political being who is not a politician,” she said. “It is the first time that I am totally excited to participate in a democratic election in my country.”Nearby, Juan Sebastián Rodríguez, 39, a leader of Mr. Hernández’s Bogotá campaign, called the candidate “a rock star.”“He is a phenomenon,” he said. “We are sure that we are going to win.”Mr. Petro and Mr. Hernández on the front pages of local newspapers on Monday.Yuri Cortez/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesGenevieve Glatsky contributed reporting from Bogotá. 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      En Colombia, Petro y Hernández a segunda vuelta por la presidencia

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      Los resultados de la primera ronda de votaciones asestaron un duro golpe a la clase política conservadora en Colombia.BOGOTÁ, Colombia — Dos candidatos antisistema, el líder de la izquierda Gustavo Petro y el populista de derecha Rodolfo Hernández, tomaron los primeros lugares en las elecciones presidenciales de Colombia, asestando un duro golpe a la clase política dominante y conservadora del país.Los dos hombres se enfrentarán en una segunda vuelta electoral el 19 de junio, que se perfila como una de las más importantes en la historia del país. Está en juego el modelo económico del país, su integridad democrática y los medios de vida de millones de personas que se sumieron en la pobreza durante la pandemia.Con más del 99 por ciento de las boletas contadas el domingo en la noche, Petro logró el respaldo de más del 40 por ciento de los votos, mientras que Hernández recibió poco más del 28 por ciento. Hernández superó por más de cuatro puntos de porcentaje al candidato de la clase dirigente conservadora, Federico Gutiérrez, que figuraba en segundo lugar en las encuestas.La inesperada victoria de Hernández al segundo lugar muestra a una nación deseosa de elegir a cualquiera que no represente a los dominantes líderes conservadores del país.Según el politólogo colombiano Daniel García-Peña, el enfrentamiento entre Petro y Hernández representa el “cambio contra el cambio”.Durante meses, las encuestas habían mostrado a Petro, que plantea una modificación al modelo económico capitalista del país, aventajando al exalcalde conservador de Medellín Federico Gutiérrez.Fue solo recientemente que Hernandez, postulándose con una plataforma populista y anticorrupción, empezó a subir en los sondeos.Gustavo Petro y Francia Márquez celebrando en Bogotá, la noche del domingo.Federico Rios para The New York TimesSi Petro al final gana en la próxima ronda de votaciones sería un momento histórico para una de las sociedades más políticamente conservadoras de América Latina, lo que pondría a Colombia en una senda nueva y desconocida.En su discurso luego de las elecciones, en un hotel cerca del centro de Bogotá, Petro estuvo acompañado por su candidata a la vicepresidencia y dijo que los resultados del domingo mostraban que el proyecto político del actual presidente y sus aliados “ha sido derrotado”.Luego, rápidamente emitió advertencias sobre Hernández y dijo que votar por él era una regresión peligrosa y desafió al electorado a arriesgarse en lo que calificó como un proyecto progresista, “un cambio de verdad”.Su ascenso refleja no solo un viraje a la izquierda en toda América Latina, sino un impulso contra los gobiernos de turno que ha cobrado fuerza a medida que la pandemia ha agravado la pobreza y la desigualdad, intensificando la sensación de que las economías de la región están construidas principalmente para servir a las élites.Ese resentimiento contra el establecimiento político parece haberle dado a Hernández un empujón en la segunda vuelta e indica el poder menguante del uribismo, un conservadurismo de línea dura que ha dominado la política colombiana en las últimas dos décadas y que se llama así por su fundador, el expresidente Álvaro Uribe.En las mesas de votación de todo el país el domingo, los seguidores de Petro mencionaron esa frustración y un renovado sentimiento de esperanza.“Es un momento histórico que está viviendo Colombia. No queremos más continuismo, no queremos más Uribismo”, dijo Chiro Castellanos, de 37 años, seguidor de Petro en Sincelejo, una ciudad cercana a la costa caribeña. “Siento que esto es un cambio, es un proyecto de país que no es solo Gustavo Petro”.Pero en muchos lugares también había temor de lo que ese cambio podría significar, así como llamados a un enfoque más moderado.“Realmente este país está vuelto nada”, comentó Myriam Matallana, de 55 años, simpatizante de Gutiérrez en Bogotá, la capital. Pero con Petro, dijo, “sería peor”.Rodolfo Hernández después de votar en Bucaramanga, Colombia, el domingoReutersPetro ha prometido transformar el sistema económico de Colombia, que dice que alimenta la desigualdad, con la expansión de programas sociales, un alto a la exploración petrolera y el cambio del enfoque del país hacia la industria y la agricultura nacional.Durante mucho tiempo, Colombia ha sido el aliado más fuerte de Estados Unidos en la región y un triunfo de Petro podría significar un enfrentamiento con Washington. El candidato pidió un reajuste de la relación, lo que incluye cambios en el enfoque de la guerra contra las drogas y una reevaluación de un acuerdo comercial bilateral.Las elecciones se producen en un momento en el que las encuestas muestran una creciente desconfianza en las instituciones del país, incluido el Congreso, los partidos políticos, el Ejército, la prensa y la Registraduría Nacional, un organismo electoral.También sucede en momentos en que la violencia va en aumento; a principios de este mes un grupo criminal emitió una orden de inamovilidad que paralizó a una parte considerable del país por al menos cuatro días.Antes de las elecciones existía la preocupación generalizada de que esos factores podrían afectar el proceso democrático.La elección se produce en un momento en que las encuestas muestran una creciente desconfianza en las instituciones del país.Federico Rios para The New York Times“Si nos quedamos en casa diciendo ‘todo el mundo es corrupto’, no vamos a lograr nada”, dijo María Gañan, de 27 años, que votó por Hernández en Bogotá. “Queremos cambiar la historia del país”.Hernández, quien era relativamente desconocido hasta hace unas pocas semanas, se presentó a los votantes como un candidato anticorrupción, y propuso recompensar a los ciudadanos por denunciar actos de corrupción y nombrar a colombianos que ya residen en el exterior en posiciones diplomáticas, lo que él dice que ahorrará en gastos de viaje y otros costos, además de prohibir festejos innecesarios en las embajadas.“Hoy perdió el país de la politiquería y la corrupción”, dijo Hernández en una nota que publicó en Facebook para sus seguidores, tras los resultados del domingo.“Hoy perdieron las gavillas que creerían que serían gobierno eternamente”, añadió.Pero algunas de las propuestas de Hernández han sido criticadas como antidemocráticas.En específico, ha propuesto declarar un estado de emergencia por 90 días y suspender todas las funciones judiciales y administrativas para combatir la corrupción, generando temores de que pueda clausurar el congreso o suspender a los alcaldes.Votación en el norte del Cauca, en ColombiaFederico Rios para The New York TimesMuchos votantes están hartos del aumento de precios, el alto desempleo, el alza en los costos de la educación, la violencia y los sondeos muestran que una clara mayoría de colombianos tienen una opinión desfavorable del actual gobierno conservador.Otros candidatos que impulsaron cambios han sido asesinados durante las campañas electorales en Colombia. Petro y su compañera de fórmula, Francia Márquez, han recibido amenazas de muerte, lo que ocasionó que se reforzara su seguridad con guardaespaldas y escudos antibalas.Sin embargo, la elección también se caracterizó por la ampliación del espectro político.En cuestión de meses, Márquez, una activista ambiental que, de triunfar se convertiría en la primera vicepresidenta negra del país, se transformó en un fenómeno nacional, y brindó a las elecciones un enfoque de género, raza y conciencia de clase que pocos candidatos han logrado invocar en la historia del país.Su popularidad ha sido considerada como el reflejo del profundo deseo de muchos votantes —negros, indígenas, pobres, campesinos— de verse representados en los cargos más altos del poder.El domingo, Márquez podría haber votado en la capital del país. Pero decidió viajar al departamento suroccidental del Cauca, donde se crió.Francia Márquez, la candidata a vicepresidente de la izquierda, voto en su pueblo natal de Suárez, al norte de Cauca, en Colombia, diciendo que representaba a “los históricamente excluidos”.Federico Rios for The New York Times“Hoy están partiendo la historia de este país en dos”, dijo poco después de depositar su voto. “Hoy una de los nadies y las nadies, de los históricamente excluidos, se pone de pie para ocupar la política”.Sofía Villamil More

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      In Colombia, a Leftist and a Right-Wing Populist Head for June Runoff

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      The results in the first round of voting delivered a stunning blow to Colombia’s dominant conservative political class.BOGOTÁ, Colombia — Two anti-establishment candidates, Gustavo Petro, a leftist, and Rodolfo Hernández, a right-wing populist, captured the top two spots in Colombia’s presidential election on Sunday, delivering a stunning blow to Colombia’s dominant conservative political class.The two men will compete in a runoff election on June 19 that is shaping up to be one of the most consequential in the country’s history. At stake is the country’s economic model, its democratic integrity and the livelihoods of millions of people pushed into poverty during the pandemic.With more than 99 percent of the ballots counted on Sunday evening, Mr. Petro received more than 40 percent of the vote, while Mr. Hernández received just over 28 percent. Mr. Hernández beat by more than four percentage points the conservative establishment candidate, Federico Gutiérrez, who had been polling in second place.Mr. Hernández’s unexpected second-place victory shows a nation hungry to elect anyone who is not represented by the country’s mainstream conservative leaders. The Petro-Hernández face-off, said Daniel García-Peña, a Colombian political scientist, pits “change against change.”For months, polls have shown Mr. Petro, who is proposing an overhaul of the country’s capitalist economic model, leading against a conservative former mayor, Federico Gutiérrez.It was only recently that Mr. Hernández, running on a populist, anti-corruption platform, had begun rising in the polls.Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez celebrating in Bogotá on Sunday night. Federico Rios for The New York TimesIf Mr. Petro ultimately wins in the next round of voting, it would mark a watershed moment for one of the most politically conservative societies in Latin America, and it would set Colombia on an uncharted path.In his postelection speech at a hotel near the center of Bogotá, Mr. Petro stood beside his vice-presidential pick and said Sunday’s results showed that the political project of the current president and his allies “has been defeated.”He then quickly issued warnings about Mr. Hernández, painting a vote for him as a dangerous regression, and daring the electorate to take a chance on what he called a progressive project, “a true change.”Mr. Petro’s rise reflects not just a leftist shift across Latin America, but also an anti-incumbent fervor that has gained strength as the pandemic has deepened poverty and inequality, intensifying feelings that the region’s economies are built mostly to serve the elite.That same anti-incumbent sentiment appeared to give Mr. Hernández a late lift into the runoff, and pointed to the waning power of Uribismo, a hard-line conservatism that has dominated politics in Colombia for the last two decades, named for its founder, former president Álvaro Uribe.At polling stations around the country on Sunday, supporters of Mr. Petro spoke to that frustration, and to a renewed sense of hope.“This is a historic moment for Colombia, we don’t want more continuity,” said Chiro Castellanos, 37, a Petro supporter in Sincelejo, a city near the Caribbean coast. “This marks a change, it’s a countrywide project that is not just about Gustavo Petro.”But in many places there was also fear of what that change might look like, and calls for a more moderate approach.“This country is in trouble,” said Myriam Matallana, 55, a supporter of Mr. Gutiérrez, in Bogotá, the capital. But with Mr. Petro, “it would be worse.”Rodolfo Hernández after voting in Bucaramanga, Colombia, on Sunday.ReutersMr. Petro has vowed to transform Colombia’s economic system, which he says fuels inequality, by expanding social programs, halting oil exploration and shifting the country’s focus to domestic agriculture and industry.Colombia has long been the United States’ strongest ally in the region, and a win for Mr. Petro could set up a clash with Washington. The candidate has called for a reset of the bilateral relationship, including changes to the approach to the drug war and a re-examination of a trade agreement.The election comes as surveys show growing distrust in most of the country’s institutions, including congress, political parties, the police, the military, the press and the national registrar, a key electoral body.It also comes amid rising violence that included a stay-at-home order issued by a criminal group earlier this month that paralyzed a sizable part of the nation for at least four days.Ahead of the election, there was widespread concern that these factors would stifle the democratic process.The election comes as surveys show growing distrust in most of the country’s institutions, including congress, political parties, the police, the military, the press and the national registrar, a key electoral body.Federico Rios for The New York Times“If we stay at home and say, ‘Everyone is corrupt,’ we’re not going to accomplish anything,” said María Gañan, 27, who voted for Mr. Hernández in Bogotá. “We want to change the history of the country.”Mr. Hernández, who was relatively unknown before until just a few weeks ago, branded himself as an anti-corruption candidate, and has proposed rewarding citizens for reporting corruption, appointing Colombians already living abroad to diplomatic positions, which he says will yield savings on travel and other expenses, and banning unnecessary parties at embassies.“Today the country of politicking and corruption lost,” Mr. Hernández wrote in a Facebook message to his supporters following Sunday’s results.“Today, the gangs who thought that they could govern forever have lost,” he added.But some of Mr. Hernández’s proposals have been criticized as undemocratic.Specifically, he’s proposed declaring a state of emergency for 90 days and suspending all judicial and administrative functions in order to address corruption, leading to fears that he could shut down Congress or suspend mayors.Election Day in Suarez, north of Cauca, in Colombia.Federico Rios for The New York TimesMany voters are fed up with rising prices, high unemployment, low wages, rising education costs and surging violence, and polls show that a clear majority of Colombians have an unfavorable view of current conservative administration.Candidates pushing change have been killed on the campaign trail in Colombia before. Mr. Petro and his running mate, Francia Márquez, have both received death threats, prompting increased security, including bodyguards holding riot shields.Yet the election was also marked by a broadening of the political tent.In a matter of months, Ms. Márquez, an environmental activist who would be the country’s first Black vice president if she won, has morphed into a national phenomenon, infusing the election with a gender, race and class-conscious focus like few other candidates in the country’s history.Her popularity has been viewed overwhelmingly as a reflection of a deep desire by many voters — Black, Indigenous, poor, rural — to see themselves in the highest halls of power.On Sunday, she could have voted in the capital. Instead, she chose to travel to the southwestern department of Cauca, where she grew up.Francia Márquez, the left’s vice-presidential candidate, voting in her hometown Suarez, North of Cauca, in Colombia. Federico Rios for The New York Times“Today we are splitting the country’s history in two,” she said on Sunday, shortly after casting her ballot. “Today, one of the nobodies, the historically excluded, is standing up to occupy a place in politics.”Reporting was contributed by Sofía Villamil, Megan Janetsky and Genevieve Glatsky in Bogotá, and by Federico Rios in Suarez, Cauca. More

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      in World Politics

      Colombia Faces Historic Presidential Elections

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      Uvalde, Texas

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      Tiroteo en una primaria, Colombia va a las urnas y otras noticias para el fin de semana.A la maestra Irma Garcia la hallaron sin vida abrazando a sus alumnos de cuarto grado. Garcia es una de las 21 personas que perdieron la vida esta semana a manos de un hombre armado que entró a la escuela primaria Robb en Uvalde, Texas, y disparó.Su colega Eva Mireles también murió ese día, así como 19 niños y niñas. Algunos se llamaban Alexandria, Amerie Jo, Annabelle, Eliahna, Ellie, Jackie, Jayce, Jose, Jailah, Layla, , Makenna, Nevaeh, Rojelio, Tess, Uziyah y Xavier. Algunos habían recibido su diploma del cuadro de honor ese mismo día. Todos se preparaban para sus vacaciones de verano. Eran deportistas entusiastas, hermanos cariñosos, niñitos amados por sus familias. Y ahora van a ser extrañados y recordados.El del martes fue el tiroteo masivo más mortífero registrado en Estados Unidos en lo que va del año. Hasta ahora, según la organización sin fines de lucro The Gun Violence Archive, en el país ha habido más de 213 tiroteos y en 10 de ellos la cifra de víctimas mortales ha sido de cuatro personas o más.Xavier Lopez, de 10 añosChristopher Lee para The New York TimesSi para los adultos resulta incomprensible y angustiante conocer la noticia del tiroteo y procesar la magnitud del problema, para los chicos puede ser aún más difícil de procesar. Tenemos una guía con consejos de expertos para abordar el tema con los menores según su edad y ayudar a tranquilizarlos.En Uvalde, una comunidad rural y mayoritariamente hispana donde prácticamente todos se conocen y muchos están emparentados, reparar la fractura va a ser muy difícil.Mientras ellos viven el duelo, a 450 kilómetros de ahí, en Houston, arranca hoy la reunión anual de la Asociación Nacional del Rifle, un poderoso grupo de interés. Se esperaba que acudieran al evento el expresidente Donald Trump y el senador Ted Cruz. Después de la tragedia, Cruz propuso poner guardias armados en las escuelas.Sin embargo, según distintos analistas, más armas no parecen ser la solución. Varios estudios indican que “el índice de propiedad de armas de un país se correlaciona con las probabilidades de que suceda un tiroteo masivo”.No hay forma de estar todos seguros ni de eliminar completamente el riesgo de que estas tragedias se repitan. Como advertía Max Fisher en una columna reciente, “cada tiroteo masivo es un evento aislado, motivado por factores únicos, como la ideología o las circunstancias personales del atacante”.Sin embargo, Max explica que es posible reducir el riesgo y prevenir las masacres.Australia, Canadá, Noruega, Nueva Zelanda y el Reino Unido, por ejemplo, contaban con una arraigada cultura de tenencia de armas pero modificaron sus leyes después de sufrir tiroteos similares y sus estadísticas de violencia ahora son mucho menores.¿Es posible exportar estas experiencias al panorama estadounidense? La pregunta es urgente.“Lo cierto es que no vamos a prohibir las armas en Estados Unidos”, escribía Nicholas Kristof en un ensayo de Opinión reciente, “como no vamos a prohibir el alcohol, las motocicletas, los cuchillos de caza, los cigarrillos u otros productos que pueden ser mortales”. Pero, argumenta, hay algunas medidas prácticas que pueden implementarse evadiendo la politización y la ideología. Vale la pena leerlas y discutirlas.Es difícil contemplar el debate con la cabeza fría cuando tantas familias sufren. También es difícil sentirse útil. Aquí hay algunos modos de ayudar a los dolientes. También queda, sin el cinismo del cliché o los políticos que se lavan las manos, ofrecer pensamientos y oraciones.Si alguien te reenvió este correo, puedes hacer clic aquí para recibirlo tres veces por semana.Colombia, a las urnasUn mitin de campaña en Cartagena, Colombia, el 14 de mayoFederico Rios para The New York TimesEste domingo se celebran elecciones presidenciales en Colombia. Es la primera vez que votará la llamada “generación del paro”, los jóvenes que en los últimos años han salido a las calles, inconformes por la desigualdad y la falta de oportunidades.En una nota reciente sobre el ascenso de Gustavo Petro en las encuestas, nuestra colega Julie Turkewitz escribe:En la actualidad casi nueve millones de votantes colombianos tienen 28 años o menos, la mayor cantidad en la historia; son una cuarta parte del electorado. Están inquietos: crecieron con la promesa de la educación universitaria y buenos empleos y se ven decepcionados ante el panorama actual, también están más conectados al mundo digital y posiblemente más empoderados que cualquier generación previa.¿Qué anhelan nuestros lectores de Colombia para su país? Los invitamos a compartir sus expectativas con nuestra comunidad.Por cierto, los colombianos en el exterior ya empezaron a votar hace varios días. Son casi un millón de electores elegibles residenciados fuera del país. ¿Eres uno de ellos? Nos gustaría conocer tu experiencia; participa en los comentarios.Que descanses este fin de semana. Si te gustó este boletín, compártelo con tus amigos, colegas y seres queridos (y no tan queridos). Y por favor, cuéntanos qué te parece. More

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      in Elections

      Colombia Election: Angry, Mobilized and Voting for Gustavo Petro

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      A large and loud youth electorate hungry to transform one of Latin America’s most unequal societies could propel Gustavo Petro, a former rebel, to the presidency.May 26, 2022FUSAGASUGÁ, Colombia — The man onstage surrounded by a screaming, sweating, fawning crowd seemed like an odd choice for a youth icon. Gustavo Petro is gray-haired, 62, and, in his speeches, he’s more roaring preacher than conversational TikTok star.But after an improbable rise from clandestine rebel to Bogotá mayor and bullish face of the Colombian opposition, Mr. Petro could soon become the country’s first leftist president, a watershed moment for one of the most politically conservative societies in Latin America.And his ascent has, in no small part, been propelled by the biggest, loudest and possibly angriest youth electorate in Colombia’s history, demanding the transformation of a country long cleaved by deep social and racial inequality.There are now nearly nine million Colombian voters 28 or younger, the most in history, and a quarter of the electorate. They are restive, raised on promises of higher education and good jobs, disillusioned by current prospects, more digitally connected and arguably more empowered than any previous generation.“Petro is change,” said Camila Riveros, 30, wrapped in a Colombian flag at a campaign event this month outside Bogotá, the capital. “People are tired of eating dirt.”Gustavo Petro this month in Santa Marta. He has held a steady lead in most polls, though he may not have enough support to avoid a runoff. As Colombians prepare to vote on Sunday, Mr. Petro has promised to overhaul the country’s capitalist economic model and vastly expand social programs, pledging to introduce guaranteed work with a basic income, shift the country to a publicly controlled health system and increase access to higher education, in part by raising taxes on the rich.Mr. Petro has been ahead in the polls for months — though surveys suggest he will face a runoff in June — and his popularity reflects both leftist gains across Latin America and an anti-incumbent fervor that has intensified as the pandemic has battered the region.“We have a decision to make,” Mr. Petro said at another campaign event this month in the Caribbean city of Cartagena. “We maintain things the way they are, or we scream: Freedom!”But critics say Mr. Petro is ill-suited for office, arguing that his policies, which include a plan to halt all new oil exploration in a country where fuel is a critical export, would ruin the economy.He has also taken direct swings at the country’s major institutions — most notably the armed forces — escalating tensions with military leaders and leading to concerns about the stability of Colombia’s longstanding but vulnerable democracy.Mr. Petro’s main opponent, Federico Gutiérrez, 47, a former mayor of Medellín, the country’s second largest city, and the candidate of the conservative establishment, proposes a more modest path forward.“Of course we need to change many things,” he said in an interview, citing a plan that would ramp up fracking for oil, steer more money to local governments and create a special unit to fight urban crime. “But changes can never mean a leap into the void without a parachute.”A third candidate, Rodolfo Hernández, 77, a former mayor with a populist, anti-corruption platform has been climbing in the polls.Mr. Petro’s main opponent, Federico Gutiérrez, is a former mayor of Medellín, the country’s second largest city, and the candidate of the conservative establishment.The election comes at a difficult moment for the country. Polls show widespread dissatisfaction with the government of the current president, Iván Duque, who is backed by the same political coalition as Mr. Gutiérrez, and frustration over chronic poverty, a widening income gap and insecurity, all of which have worsened during the pandemic.Among those hurt the most by these problems are younger Colombians, who are likely to play a big role in determining whether the country takes a major lurch to the left.Young people led anti-government protests that filled the streets of Colombia last year, dominating the national conversation for weeks. At least 46 people died — many of them young, unarmed protesters and many at the hands of the police — in what became referred to as the “national strike.”Some analysts expect young people to vote in record numbers, energized not just by Mr. Petro, but by his running mate, Francia Márquez, 40, an environmental activist with a gender, race and class-conscious focus who would be the country’s first Black vice president.“The TikTok generation that is very connected to Francia, that is very connected to Petro, is going to be decisive,” said Fernando Posada, 30, a political analyst.Some analysts expect young people to vote in record numbers, energized not just by Mr. Petro but by his running mate, Francia Márquez, an environmental activist.Today’s younger generation is the most educated in Colombian history, but is also grappling with 10 percent annual inflation, a 20 percent youth unemployment rate and a 40 percent poverty rate. Many — both supporters and critics of Mr. Petro — say they feel betrayed by decades of leaders who have promised opportunity but delivered little.In a May poll by the firm Invamer, more than 53 percent of voters ages 18 to 24 and about 45 percent of voters ages 25 to 34 said they were planning to vote for Mr. Petro. In both age categories, less than half those numbers said they would vote for Mr. Gutierrez or Mr. Hernández.Natalia Arévalo, 30, a single mother of three, marched for days during protests last year, with her daughter, Lizeth, 10, wearing a placard around her neck that read: “What awaits us children?”“You have to choose between paying your debts and feeding your kids,” said Ms. Arévalo, who supports Mr. Petro.“You can’t eat eggs, you can’t eat meat, you can’t eat anything,” she added. “We have to give a 180-degree turn to all that we’ve had for the last 20 years.”José Fernando Mazo, a law student, waving in the crowd at a rally for Mr. Petro in Cartagena on May 14.To be sure, many young voters are skeptical of Mr. Petro’s ability to deliver on his promises.In Fusagasugá, Nina Cruz, 27, a cafe worker, said Mr. Petro would fail Colombia’s struggling families, and she was particularly repulsed by his past as a member of a leftist rebel group.The country has a long history of violent militias that claim to help the indigent — and end up terrorizing them.“What he is saying is: ‘I’m going to help the poor,’” she said. “That’s a total lie.”Mr. Petro, an economist, grew up outside Bogotá. As a teenager, he joined the M-19, a leftist urban militia that sought to seize power and claimed to promote social justice.The group was never as large or as violent as the country’s main guerrilla force, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC. But in 1985, the M-19 occupied a national judicial building, sparking a battle with the police and the military that left 94 people dead.Mr. Petro, who did not participate in the takeover, ended up in prison for his involvement with the group.He eventually demobilized and ran for a senate seat, emerging as the combative face of the left, pushing open conversations about corruption and wrongdoing.Some critics have warned that Mr. Petro’s energy proposals would bankrupt the country. Oil represents 40 percent of Colombia’s exports and Juan Carlos Echeverry, a former finance minister, has said that halting oil exploration “would be economic suicide.’’Ballistic shields on stage during Mr. Petro’s appearance in Cartagena. He has been the recent target of death threats. Mr. Petro also has a reputation for an authoritarian streak. As mayor of Bogotá, he circumvented the City Council and often failed to listen to advisers, said Daniel Garcia-Peña, who worked with Mr. Petro for a decade before quitting in 2012. In his resignation letter Mr. Garcia-Peña called Mr. Petro “a despot.”The election comes as polls show growing distrust in the country’s democratic institutions, including the country’s national registrar, an election body that bungled the initial vote count in a congressional election in March.The error, which the registrar called procedural, has led to concerns that losing candidates will declare fraud, setting off a legitimacy crisis.The country is also being roiled by rising violence, threatening to undermine the democratic process. The Mission for Electoral Observation, a local group, called this pre-election period the most violent in 12 years.Candidates pushing change have been murdered on the campaign trail before.Both Mr. Petro and Ms. Márquez have received death threats, and at his campaign event in Cartagena, he took the stage flanked by men holding bulletproof shields.Young supporters of Mr. Petro at a rally in Cartagena on May 14. A recent poll found that Mr. Petro was the leading candidate among voters 18 to 34.Some voters held signs that read “Black children’s lives matter,” and “if it’s not Petro, we’re screwed.”There was excitement — but also trepidation.“What we want are opportunities for everyone,” said Lauren Jiménez, 21, a university student.But “if Petro can’t follow through, I know we will see the same thing that happened with the Duque government: a social explosion,” she warned. “Because we’re tired of staying quiet.”Sofía Villamil More

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      in World Politics

      Will Colombia Vote for its First Ever Left-Wing President?

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      The Fair Observer website uses digital cookies so it can collect statistics on how many visitors come to the site, what content is viewed and for how long, and the general location of the computer network of the visitor. These statistics are collected and processed using the Google Analytics service. Fair Observer uses these aggregate statistics from website visits to help improve the content of the website and to provide regular reports to our current and future donors and funding organizations. The type of digital cookie information collected during your visit and any derived data cannot be used or combined with other information to personally identify you. Fair Observer does not use personal data collected from its website for advertising purposes or to market to you.As a convenience to you, Fair Observer provides buttons that link to popular social media sites, called social sharing buttons, to help you share Fair Observer content and your comments and opinions about it on these social media sites. These social sharing buttons are provided by and are part of these social media sites. They may collect and use personal data as described in their respective policies. Fair Observer does not receive personal data from your use of these social sharing buttons. It is not necessary that you use these buttons to read Fair Observer content or to share on social media. More

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      in Elections

      Elecciones en Colombia: cómo votan los colombianos en el exterior

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      Desde el domingo, hora colombiana, los votantes elegibles alrededor del mundo están acudiendo a las urnas para participar en los comicios presidenciales.Los colombianos que residen fuera del país han empezado este lunes a emitir sus votos en las elecciones presidenciales. Según la autoridad nacional, hay más de 972.000 votantes elegibles para participar en las mesas de votación ubicadas en el extranjero.La elección presidencial se llevará a cabo en el territorio nacional de Colombia el domingo, pero las urnas ya abrieron en embajadas, consulados y otras oficinas en 67 países alrededor del mundo y permanecerán abiertas hasta el cierre de la jornada electoral.Los colombianos en el exterior, una diáspora de alrededor de 5 millones de personas, representan más del 10 por ciento de la población del país y viven principalmente en Estados Unidos, España y Venezuela.Un escaño de la Cámara de Representantes de Colombia está asignado a la diáspora a través de la circunscripción internacional. En las últimas elecciones legislativas, celebradas en marzo, la ganadora a la cámara baja fue Carmen “Karmen” Felisa Ramírez, una mujer de la etnia wayuu que ha vivido en Suiza por más de una década. Ramírez fue la candidata de la coalición de Gustavo Petro y derrotó al candidato del uribismo que buscaba reelegirse.Los votantes colombianos que residen en el extranjero tienen hasta el 29 de mayo para participar en las elecciones presidenciales si se inscribieron para hacerlo antes del 29 de marzo. Pueden ubicar su lugar de votación en el sitio de la registraduría. Solo podrán emitir el voto con la cédula de ciudadanía; no se acepta el pasaporte ni otro tipo de documento de identificación. More